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Dangerous times: a challenge to the left

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I suspect we live in far more dangerous times than many of us on the left realise.

It’s easy to identify our immediate enemy, a government hell bent on pushing its programme of privatisation, pauperisation and grubby exploitation of our natural resources.

But who is there among the other political parties in Aotearoa in 2013 whom we might trust to help take us beyond Key’s privateer’s paradise and forward into a world which all of us can have a hand in making – and sharing?

Labour under Shearer shows few signs of throwing off its legacy of capitulation to a free trade, free enterprise, mow-down-beneficiaries-on-the-way-through agenda, despite its sterling work in some of the socially liberal zones.

The Green Party, while retaining many great policies from its radical heritage – for how long I’m not sure – is equally committed to a ‘traditionally mixed market approach’ as Russel Norman makes clear in a recent interview here on The Daily Blog.

Neither Labour nor the Greens offer alternatives that take us beyond either a return to Keynesian regulation as a prop for stressed local capital or a National-lite neoliberal agenda.

In Europe there’s talk now of ‘post-democracy’, the situation in which ordinary people, even in so called advanced democracies, exert less and less impact on political decision making.
As one recent writer says, ‘Politicians are constrained by the power of capital, and by tangled networks of relationships with business.’

Effectively the social democratic parties are unable to separate themselves and their policies from the business elite in any meaningful manner. Voters throughout the developed world are beginning to recognise this.

The frustration of the dispossessed and the young with conventional social democratic parties boils over into support for parties like the Pirate Party in Germany and Beppe Grillo’s 5-Star Movement in Italy.
These movements are a tangled mix of confused people, policies and ideologies, with a huge faith in the internet and the politics of ‘process’ as a way of achieving democracy. However, perils lurk here too – for example, Grillo’s critics call him more despot than democrat, with undertones of Mussolini, and the Pirate Party is falling apart, in part because of the strains of unfettered, anarchic internet processes which allow for a culture of anonymous hatred and abuse to flourish.

At the same time Guy Standing, recently in New Zealand for the Living Wage Symposium, talks with acute insight about the growth of a new precariat class which is emerging alongside the failure of the social democratic experiment, made up of those facing a life of insecure and unstable employment, with little hope of building any meaningful career and stake in the future.

Standing warns that the precariat is a ‘dangerous’ class, in part because many of its members may easily turn to neofascism if new, forward looking left agendas and organisations aren’t built well, and quickly.
The politics of the Pirate Party and Beppe Grillo are the politics of this same dangerous class on which the establishment social democratic parties have turned their backs.

While we haven’t seen the emergence of such parties here in Aotearoa – yet – I see similar developments in places like the Occupy movement, where a doomed faith in process over ideology seemed to trump the hopeful attempts to build genuine solidarity and kaupapa; in the whole ‘neither left nor right but out in front’ mantra which holds sway among so many Green supporters; and, above all, in the massive non vote in the last election, a sure sign of how irrelevant political parties have become to so many.

The resort to the non vote, or the belief that process means more than what you’re fighting for or whose side you’re on, are threats to attempts to build the kind of genuine participatory democracy I believe so many of us on the socialist, anarchist, ecosocialist – and progressive social democratic – left are yearning for.

It is not too late for the Greens and Labour to develop a politics which is relevant for our people and our time.

The combination of left tangata whenua and tau iwi activists who make up the Mana Movement do offer an embryonic if incomplete voice to the angry dispossessed, but even Mana struggles to shrug off the deadweight of the social democratic heritage of the welfare state and Keynesian economics.

Whichever of these parties we may or may not support and whatever our activist priorities on the front line of various struggles, I reckon the time has come when we on the left in Aotearoa need to start seriously engaging with each other across old sectarian and other lines on some of the big questions.
For example – how might we really build an economic and political pathway that takes us beyond dependence on the institutions of local and transnational capital? Can we begin to tell another story about what a different kind of Aotearoa might look like, in a way that workers at the local PakNSave or the sole mum with five kids down at the Work and Income office might understand? What could real democracy look like if we put our hearts and minds to it? … and much much more.

I am delighted to see the ‘Another World is Possible’ essay competition currently being promoted by the Labour History Project. This is a wonderful example of the sort of thing we should be doing a lot more of – working to conceive, describe – and in the end work together for – a future we really want, instead of the second hand one most of our current political leaders seem to offer.

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What the New Zealand Left must learn from Obama

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Obama Accepts Nomination On Final Day Of Democratic National Convention

 

Data is King. If there’s one takeaway from Obama’s triumph, it’s that. Taking cues from commercial marketing, the behavioural sciences and existing political knowledge the Obama campaign built the most sophisticated and effective data operation in politics. “No party”, Slate writes, “has ever had such a durable structural advantage over the other on polling, making television ads, or fundraising”. Forget the political truisms – the importance of televised debates and so on – campaigning in the age of Obama is about big data.

Political campaigns are about the allocation of scarce resources. Do we invest in x minutes of advertising or x number of mail drops? Big data informs these decisions like never before, but the New Zealand left must remember that the American experience is not directly analogous.

Firstly, New Zealand’s nowhere close to being as data rich as the United States and the information that is accessible is subject to certain restrictions, for example the Privacy Act. Secondly, big data in the United States is used to target swing states and marginal districts, but in New Zealand MMP demands a national focus. Lastly – and probably most importantly – there are questions over scale. Do New Zealand political parties have the economies of scale to sustain big data operations? And does the intimate nature of the New Zealand electorate justify big data operations? I doubt it. With these factors in mind, what else can the New Zealand left learn from Obama?

 

Mobilisation is more important than persuasion

The rule books on voter persuasion have to be rewritten. It’s a political truism that “centrist” voters represent the most persuadable part of the electorate. However, work in recent years from big data firms aligned with the Democrats have found that “it’s not always guaranteed that the people in the middle of a support score are the most persuadable”. It turned out that people who had scored close to 50 on a 0-100 issue score weren’t the people who were most persuadable. Using this knowledge the Democrats have created distinctions between persuasion targets (who receive tailored messages) and turnout targets (who receive reminders, logistical help and so). As early as 2004 some Republicans had implicitly acknowledged the declining importance of persuasion conceding that it is better to win by “narrow margins” than attempt large scale persuasion. Given this new understanding of centrist voters, get-out-the-vote (GOTV) was crowned King and, according to the Republicans at least, it was the Democratic “turn-out machine” dat stole dat dere the election.

If political campaigns are about the allocation of scarce resources, the American findings on persuasion are instructive: the New Zealand left needs to start rethinking where and how they allocate resources. The ground game is more important than the game on television and radio and resources must be allocated accordingly. The return on investment from GOTV methods (i.e. targeting hard and soft lefties) appears to better than the return from advertising, town hall meetings and so on (i.e. methods traditionally targeting centrists). Labour appreciates the importance of GOTV (to a certain extent), but the Greens and Mana have woefully underdeveloped GOTV methods.  If the left can secure a significant portion of the non-vote (26% at the last election) through improved GOTV efforts, then the election is in play – if not in the bag.

 

A coalition of the marginalised can work

Hippies Wander Into the Lions’ Den, Maul Lions. That’s how Ta-Nehisi Coates put it. Bloomberg put if less elegantly describing Obama’s win as a “split between men and women, whites and minorities, rich and poor, young and old”. Obama carried over 90% of African Americans, over 70% of Hispanic Americans and over 50% of women. Obama won a measly 39% of the White vote (Whites represented 72% of the electorate). A typical sketch of the Obama voter would reveal someone who’s poor, brown, female and urban. The Atlantic wrote that “rising minority participation allowed (Obama) to overcome a weak performance among whites”.

Many on the left believe that a coalition of society’s losers can’t and won’t work. However, demographic change is leading New Zealand down the American route (that should be read using the American “rowt”). By 2026 Maori (who overwhelmingly vote left) will constitute 16% of the population, Asian New Zealanders will constitute 16% too and Pacific people (who also vote overwhelmingly left) will make up 10% of the population. The Pakeha population, and by extension the Pakeha electoral population, will fall to the high 60s*.

Publicly available information on ethnic voting patterns is scarce, but the American and British experiences suggest that the Asian vote leans left. Obama enjoyed 75% of the Asian vote and Asian voters in the UK have “traditionally voted for the Labour Party”. In New Zealand, the most accessible statistics are on Maori. Labour, the Greens and Mana (i.e. the left) won almost 65% of the Maori electorate vote. The Maori Party won just over 15% and National claimed a pathetic 8.9%.** Assuming the Maori Party collapses, there’s no reason why the left cannot win 80% or more of the Maori vote. If the left can build similar majorities in the Asian, Pasifika and female population – and the experiences in other parts of the Anglosphere suggest that that’s possible – then we can assume a winning coalition is not only possible, but likely. Demography favours the left.

 

Framing matters

I’ve argued how important this is at my blog. It’s trite, I know, but the Obama campaign has gifted framing renewed importance. A  year before the 1996 election, Bill Clinton framed Bob Dole as slash-and-burn-Medicare-cutting-radical. In 2004 George Bush framed a freshly nominated John Kerry as a flip-flopping-out-of-touch-namby-pamby-liberal. Obama selected to frame Romney early in the campaign too. The Obama campaign decided to spend 20% of their campaign budget on an early advertising onslaught. Essentially, it was an attempt to frame Romney before he had the opportunity to frame himself. According to Obama man Jim Messina, the early framing was “crucial”. The advertising blitz coincided with a push to frame Obama in a positive light. That early advertsing framed the narrative from the Republican primaries and held until the first debate (where Obama turned in a meek performance and through a combination of lies, false confidence and low expectation Romney wiped the floor with the President).

The New Zealand left can’t afford to overlook the importance of early framing. That means ditching the idea that you have to keep your powder dry until the election. Perceptions aren’t built over a four week election period, perceptions take time. Brick by boring brick.*** Policy should be released periodiucally, not in the final months and weeks. By then, the perceptions about the left have already set. Narratives should be designed and implemented now, not in ones years time.

In many respects, it might well be too late to frame for the 2014 election, but given the importance of the Obama experience the New Zealand left can’t afford not to. What we’re doing isn’t enough.  Politics is a slow march to victory, on the other hand politics can be a slow march to the grave. If we want to avoid the latter, we’d be smart to some of our cues from Obama. 

 

———-

Post script: I’ve drawn heavily on the following articles

 

*Given that many New Zealanders identify with more than one ethnic group, figures will add to over 100.

**See my chapter (The Fragmentation of Maori Politics) in Kicking The Tyres (the post-election book).

***That was a reference to an awful Paramore song, but it was a nice extended metaphor.

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What if NZ Parliament was proportional to Facebook popularity?

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facebook31-281x160[1]Last year I looked at who was winning the online social media war between the NZ Political Parties.

Here were the results August 2012

1st – Greens 17 424
2nd – Labour 6 953
3rd – MANA 3 518
4th – National 2 863
5th – ACT 1 745
6th – Maori Party 1 013
7th – NZ First 726

Instead of waiting another 6 months for a comparison, how about we take a wee peek again at the Facebook support of the parties, and this time include the Facebook popularity of the leaders.

Let’s note that some leaders have ‘likes’ and some have ‘followers’ and some have ‘friends’. It is very easy to get a like, and far more difficult to get a follower or friend. Followers and friends require far more active engagement than a simple like on Facebook.

1st
Green: 21,163 (up 3739)

Russel: 4330 friends
Metiria: 5009 friends

2nd
Labour: 7,479 (up 526)

David Shearer: 6237 Likes

3rd
Mana: 3,756 (up 238)

Hone Harawira: 5070 Friends

4th
National: 3,246 (up 363)

John Key: 39,630 followers

5th
Act: 1,720 (down 25)

John Banks: 5277 Likes

6th
Maori: 1,232 (up 219)

Tariana Turia: No Direct Presence
Pita Sharples: 33 friends

7th
Conservative: 998

Colin Craig: 762 likes

8th
NZ First:814 (up 88)

Winston Peters: 7,038 likes

9th
United Future: No Direct Presence

Peter Dunne: 1637 friends

Conclusions:
-Greens are the undisputed kings of social media – since August they grew their Facebook support by more than double all the other parties put together. Russel and Metiria have a respectable following compared to other party leaders, but they are eclipsed by their party.

-NZ First, Act and United Future all suffer from the personality cult problem of having leaders more popular than their parties. But it looks like National is the biggest personality cult of all, JK having a following more than 10 times that of his party.

-Act has the dubious distinction of actually having lost party support since August – people have actively taken the step of un-liking them.

-It’s a bit difficult to compare active followers to likes but there is a fairly strong case that in terms of active followers Hone Harawira has the second strongest online following for a party leader after the PM – which is not a bad effort for an opposition party polling around 1%.

So what would Parliament look like if Facebook was the decider?

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The Greens have an advantage that the other political parties can only dream about. The next generation are an online generation and the Greens are building the social media infrastructure to become the dominant political force of the 21st Century.

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I’ve been internalizing a really complicated situation in my head

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I’ve been internalizing a really complicated situation in my head

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Old Union Lies

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old union lies

Old Union Lies

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Too big to fail

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Too big to fail

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Face TV listings Wednesday 13 March

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AM
7.00 Aljazeera News
8.00 In Focus
8.45 Classic serial
9.00 Bloomberg
10.00 Beyond Stardom
10.30 To The Contrary
11.00 euronews

PM
12.00pm Pacific Viewpoint
12.30 Voice of Islam TV
1.30 euronews
2.00 NHK Newsline
2.30 Korean news
3.00 Dutch news
3.30 French news
4.00 German news
4.30 Imagine-nation
5.00 Euromaxx
5.30 DW Journal
6.00 Aljazeera News
7.00 Schools Inc.
7.15 Geek Speak
7.30 Know Your Rights
8.00 Great Australian Doorstep
8.30 No Limits
9.00 Australia News
9.30 The World of Coffee
10.00 The Darren Saunders Show [PGR]
10.30 PBS News Hour
11.30 Cult Classic: Slaves in Bondage (1937) [AO]

Face TV broadcasts on Sky 89 & Auckland UHF

Face TV Twitter
Face TV Facebook

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Proverbs you won’t read on Whaleoil

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“Build your house far away from the bank.”

Radical Proverbs

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The NZ Police – getting away with it

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This story very much managed to slip under the corporate news radar…

Police who faked badge numbers keep jobs
Police officers who deliberately faked their uniform badge numbers to avoid being identified as they weighed into a violent public protest will keep their jobs and won’t be investigated by the force’s watchdog.

Two of the officers were found guilty of breaching their own code of conduct and a third was said to have a “performance issue” after they were caught using matching identification badges at an Occupy Auckland eviction in January 2012.

Despite the pre-meditation involved, the Independent Police Conduct Authority decided the three officers’ behaviour was not serious enough to warrant its attention, saying investigators were too busy dealing with cases involving death and bodily harm.

So the tactics to hide the identities of Police Officers can’t be properly investigated because the Independent Police Conduct Authority are so over run by Police abuses and too underfunded to look into the complaints properly?

What a terribly sad indictment on one of our public watch dogs.

There are a couple of issues here. The first are the violent tactics the NZ Police want to try and use when dealing with protesters. These Police hid their identity so that they could assault protesters and provoke a violent response. We know this because those are the exact same tactics the Police used last year with the final TPPA protest.

In that situation the Police targeted a young female protester right at the end of the protest and assaulted her, provoking a violent response from protesters which of course became the news story due to the fact that the NZ Media are too underfunded to send cameramen to protest actions any longer and they only arrived when protesters responded to the aggressive tactics employed by the cops.

I currently have a complaint lodged with IPCA over the manner in which Police threatened, intimidated and bullied Cannabis activist Stephen McIntyre into committing suicide and can attest to the vast stress and strain IPCA are currently under in investigating Police abuses of power in this country.

IPCA can be forced to investigate an issue if there is vast public outcry from the media, but in this case, the Police are given a cone of silence from the rest of the media and have been able to get away with premeditatedly hiding their identities.

Luckily for the occupation protestors, a protestor noting the deception at the time stopped the Police from using their provocation tactics and prevented anyone from being beaten up, but the fact our Police watch dog has been so under fed for resources that its teeth have fallen out should concern every citizen.

We live in a democracy, and the Police have to be held accountable for their actions. Sadly this isn’t happening right now.

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In the 4pm Daily Blog Bulletin

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In the 4pm Daily Blog Bulletin…

Around the NZ Blogosphere

-Anthony Robins at The Standard explains why the Left should keep fighting asset sales.

-Giovanni Tiso brilliantly dissects the farce at Solid Energy.

-Greenpeace notes the new climate normal.

On the Daily Blog today

-Chris Trotter blogs on the National Party agenda to seize water.

-Laila Harre focuses on the emotional loss of public assets and argues why heart over wallet matters.

-Burnt out Teacher declares this is Maths Sparta

-Efeso Collins asks how sincere Auckland is when looking at the issues facing Pacific Islanders in Pasifika As?

-Martyn Bradbury notes that it’s the old run-a-state-owned-enterprise-into-the-ground-with-idealogical-rhetoric-instead-of-prudent-management-and-then-privatize-it game.

-And in the Daily Reposts today; Dancing Darth Vader, Face TV listings Tuesday 12 March, A Right-Winger’s guide to life’s value, Now the Judge knows what it’s like to be hit by a cop, Stephen Colbert schools James Franco on Tolkien knowledge, What evil war mongers do in retirement and peanut poo.

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Hell And High Water – the National Party agenda to seize water

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BACK WHEN Matthew Hooton and I were writing columns for the Sunday Star-Times, Federated Farmers invited us to address their Executive Council. John Key’s National Party had just won the 2008 election, so you can imagine the atmosphere.

My strong impression that the state and the ruling class, after a forced separation of nearly a decade, had once again merged was not lessened by the presence of Connor English. He looked so much like his brother, Bill, that I had to remind myself several times that the person I was speaking to was not the new Minister of Finance, but the Chief Executive of Federated Farmers.

I came away from that meeting with one very clear impression. Farming’s future profitability was inextricably bound up with the management of water. If the National Party-administered state was to have one over-riding imperative in the coming decade, I strongly suspected it would be to guarantee the nation’s farmers unimpeded access to, and control over, New Zealand’s water resource.

And so it has proved. Water, and the conflicts which inevitably arise over its protection, conservation and use, lies at the heart of the National Party’s “reform” of the Resource Management and Local Government Acts. It was the motivation for Dr Nick Smith’s and David Carter’s suspension of the democratic processes at E-Can – the Canterbury Regional Council. And it’s the driving force behind the farmer-friendly changes to New Zealand’s freshwater management regime announced last Saturday by the Environment Minister, Amy Adams.

In its relentless drive to get water to farmers, the Government has been forced to develop an elaborate array of masking devices. The most successful of these masks is undoubtedly the Land and Water Forum.

Presented as a new and progressive means of achieving consensus on land and water use, the Forum drew into its discussions just about every group with a stake in the future of our waterways.

It was a body from which no interest group could afford to stand aloof, but at the same time, it was also a body without the slightest ability to decisively influence the decision-making of Government. To get anything at all, interest groups lacking the structural clout of farmers, energy generators and developers had to offer concessions. In doing so, however, the conservationist lobby surrendered much of its freedom of action.

When the Government spoke in glowing terms of the Forum’s willingness to compromise, what option did the conservationists have except to shut up and smile?

And now they are caught, as they were always going to be, in the Government’s carefully constructed web. Ms Adams is being highly selective in her adoption of the Forum’s recommendations. The measures advanced by the conservationists, and agreed to by the farming, energy and development representatives, have not made the cut.

In the words of one of the participants, Bryce Johnson of the Fish and Game Council:

“It’s appalling that this Government is trying to dupe the public by saying it is ‘improving’ the [Water Conservation Order] process when in reality its plans will render WCOs useless as a tool to protect rivers from a greedy few for increased irrigation and intensive farming. Make no mistake, this is all about escalating the public water grab for private industry.”

The conservation groups attempting to protect New Zealand’s water resources from over-exploitation and pollution are caught in a vice. On one side, the Government is strengthening the power of central government to over-ride the rights of those affected by the plans of private industry. On the other, it is giving the ultimate responsibility for conserving (or not) our lakes, rivers and streams to local government.

In the areas most likely to be affected adversely, these bodies are dominated by the local representatives of large-scale farming and commercial interests. The Government’s proposed changes deny conservationists the right to challenge these local councillors’ decisions or seek to have them overturned in the Environment Court.

And if, in the unlikely event of a local authority ending up with a majority of councillors determined to resist the demands of local farmer and business elites, well, this government has already demonstrated its willingness to dismiss such irritatingly literal executors of the people’s will and replace them with appointed bureaucrats absolutely bound to do their masters’ bidding.

Come hell or high water.

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The emotional loss of public assets – why heart over wallet matters

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Whakamaru_Power_StationWhen my partner Barry and I first got together we’d leave Auckland most weekends on whimsical ventures to quintessential New Zealand locations. National parks and beaches featured but so too did our energy assets: Marsden Point, the Motunui methanol plant and, indelibly, the Whakamaru Power Station. There the might of the Waikato powered the factories and family dinners which lit up the load-sensitive charts of the national grid in the adjacent switching station. We were transfixed by the marriage of natural power and human endeavour and felt deeply connected to it.

It’s a feeling we often recall, both shedding a few tears last week as the Government’s launch of the Mighty River share float headlined.

There’s been plenty of commentary on the economics of the sales. These days no one pretends that the private sector will be better at running these companies than we are. Stockbrokers will make hay on early turnover and the bonus for those who hang on longer is a tidy subsidy to those who can afford to. The Capital Markets Development Taskforce, which came up with the idea in 2009, wasn’t concerned with our energy policy or the debt-dividend trade off (which doesn’t favour sales by the way). They just approached our national assets as financial tools to address private sector failure to provide “high quality equity offerings”.

The draining of our national wealth to private interests has been like a chronic public policy illness all my grown up life. In my album is a 1990 snapshot of me and baby Sam outside the local 3 Guys supermarket collecting signatures against Labour’s sale of Telecom. At the same time Rob Cameron, who would later emerge as chair of the aforementioned taskforce, was advising Bell Atlantic and Ameritech on the acquisition of Telecom. That sale is now virtually universally criticised for leaving New Zealand with the worst of all worlds – an unregulated privately owned natural monopoly which took nearly 20 years and the loss of countless opportunities to bring into line.

23 years later we are all still at our posts. Today Sam’s and my signatures lie on the biggest ever petition for a Citizens Initiated Referendum to be presented to Parliament. The 392,000 signatures should produce the 308,000 from enrolled voters needed for a referendum. While the Government derides the effort put in to collect signatures (the Greens alone have mobilised over 3000 volunteers in the 10 months since the launch of the petition), they represent hundreds of thousands of conversations, each triggering or re-triggering someone’s discomfort with this pending loss. To those who sigh as they sign and say “good on you but this won’t make a difference” I want to say, “that means it already has.”

This is a point worth making, even if the Government defies its public. It’s been worth making through the petition, and it will be worth making with the referendum. Not just because of economics or the importance of energy policy to the environment or the impact of continued power price gouging on ordinary households. I didn’t shed a tear this week because my power prices might go up, but because my ability to buy into this racket means nothing compared to the loss of another major public endeavour, and one so strongly linking generations.

New Zealanders have opposed asset sales for three decades. That matters. We held the line against the sale of Auckland assets even when the law demanded it. In fact holding the line stopped the sale of the Ports of Auckland not once, not twice, but three times and it will again if necessary. Holding the line has prevented water privatisation. It restored ACC to public control. Christchurch will hold the line against this Government’s demands to sell its assets to pay for a rebuild for which there are many more sensible funding options. Holding the line has protected us from the PPP failures now being bankrolled by other governments and it will give us a publicly owned, built and managed City Rail Link in Auckland.

Holding the line made it possible to rescue an airline and a railway. It even made it possible for the Alliance as a minority partner in coalition to start a new bank.

So when the presidents of Greypower and the NZ Union of Students Associations renew that intergenerational pact as they hand over the petition on the steps of Parliament today I’ll enjoy buying a celebratory sandwich with my Kiwibank Foundation Customer card.

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Pasifika As?

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Efeso Collins.

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Auckland Council has branded the month of March as “Pacific-As” – an assortment of events that showcase dance, weaving, music, basketball and rugby. The website and pamphlet for these events is colourful and alluring to the eye, but perhaps not one’s conscience. In Auckland city, Pasifika people represent 12 per cent of the population and that’s expected to grow rapidly over the next decade. Our population structure is youthful with nearly 40 per cent under the age of 18 years.* We’ve long been known and treated as the group in Auckland who bring colour and dynamism to events with the ability to move with rhythm and elegance; just look at the difference the Samoan and Tongan communities made to the Rugby World Cup. Brass bands playing along the road to the entry of Eden Park, but that’s as far as they got because many of them couldn’t afford the tickets to go in and watch the game.

Last June hundreds of Pasifika people took to the streets of Auckland to lift the silence on deeply rooted issues of poverty – high unemployment, overcrowded houses, low wages, ailing health and poor educational outcomes… indicators of a growing social underclass. Yet the mainstream media outlets spent all their time writing stories about how they didn’t march with one clear message. With all these issues to deal with it’s no surprise there was no single message, but this is the kind of intellectual incapability we’ve come to expect of mainstream media who can’t grapple with complex issues. The challenge for genuine Pasifika ‘voices’ in advocating our needs, is that the media sell sporting and musical accolades as the veneer to cover the socio-economic issues that are bleeding us of a prosperous existence.

Just last weekend was the Pasifika festival which drew thousands to Western Springs. You could hear the music, drums (and laughter in some cases) from about the time you hit the motorway off-ramp. Around the park were smiling faces, full plates of taro, chop suey, curried chicken wings and that delicious Tongan drink otai. People stopped and embraced, catching up with others they hadn’t seen in a long time. Tertiary institutions were there trying to nab any possible recruit, political movements gathered all the signatures they could and the place every so often sounded, smelled and looked like our islands scattered throughout the moana nui a kiwa. But at 5pm, we went home again to predominantly west and south Auckland where the smiles and memories of those sounds, smells and surrounds are substituted for the reality of entrenched hardship… the side of Pacific-As that perhaps the Council – and definitely the media – don’t want reflected at its ‘March’ events.

• 2006 census data

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Oh, it’s the old run-a-state-owned-enterprise-into-the-ground-with-idealogical-rhetoric-instead-of-prudent-management-and-then-privatize-it game

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Are you watching Seven Sharp? Don’t! Campbell Live has been running a series of investigations into the horror story of Solid Energy and as a citizen of this country, you must watch this.

I’d go as far as suggesting that if you are choosing to watch Seven Sharp over Campbell Live’s staggering expose, you are a traitor.

Harsh, but it is in fact true.

Now the right wing fruit loops of NZ will have you believe that the staggering incompetence exposed by Campbell Live is proof that the state shouldn’t run assets and that John Key’s flogging off of our public energy companies to the wealthy who he has given tax cuts to is justifiable.

Bullshit.

If you think you are paying a lot in electricity to these buggers now, wait until they are beholden to the private market with its vicious and myopic focus on profit.

Sadly however you can lead a John Key loving, bennie-bashing, climate denial, small Government, tax-cutting, National Party voting nutbar to a blog, but you can’t make them read.

The meme by our corporate mainstream media (who are of course benefitting from the multi-million dollar advertising campaign to sell these shares) is that 270 000 odd NZers have decided to invest and so the debate has been won.

Bullshit.

390 000 have signed against this, just because the wealthy fragment of NZ wants to rush in and buy doesn’t justify or delegitimize the rightousness of resisiting asset sales and nor does it water down the contempt of giving these same wealthy NZers tax cuts to subsidize their ability to buy our public assets.

A curse on all their leafy suburban households (including their multiple property speculations).

I digress.

Let’s get back to Solid Energy and the horror that Campbell Live has presented us with. How on earth Solid Energy managed to con everyone into believing that they had billions and billions in value when in fact every single mismanged idea failed is actually almost beyond belief. If we are wanting to crucify Don Elder, let’s make sure we have plenty of room on the cross for the bloody National Party as well. As the Greens righteously point out

The National Government encouraged Solid Energy expansion plans but never required it to submit a business case for its ambitious but ultimately futile $2 billion lignite developments, the Green Party said today.

…so while Solid Energy were fantasizing about valuations that never existed, the Government were utterly asleep at the wheel. The National Party’s ‘oversight’ on Solid Energy makes Pike River Mine look like a tightly regulated safety zone.

Of course you won’t get any of those questions answered by any mainstream corporate news media outside of Campbell Live because they are pulling their punches now as their bosses eye up all the bribe/advertising money being spent to sell these assets.

When the electricity prices spike once our energy companies are sold, let’s hear what the sleepy hobbits have to say then. 270 000 NZers venal enough to rush and make a quick buck buying shares from their tax cuts doesn’t justify a bloody thing.

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