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Bribing the homeless to leave, punishing the poor with P – Why we need a Political Revolution

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What a cruel joke of a week. Every day that passes, the compassionate society I believe in seems to be mutilated further by a passionless people who through comfort and self profit don’t just don’t give a damn and seem gleeful and no longer needing to pretend they care.

Paula Bennett’s sick offer to move the homeless out of Auckland for $5000 and pay the poor workers of the regions $3000 to move to Auckland just says it all doesn’t it?  Apparently exploitable workers are a better investment in Auckland than the homeless.

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So where exactly are those poor supposed to go? There are 74 ‘No Go Zones’ in NZ. Move to any of these designated areas and you will lose access to social welfare. How do the homeless know if the region they move to disqualifies them from welfare – or is that a new plan by Paula to lower the number of beneficiaries by simply bribing the poor and disqualifying them when they move to a No Go Zone?

Key tells the Homeless to go to WINZ and that they’ll get help. What he doesn’t add is that ‘help’ is being booked into expensive motels and landed with a $70 000 debt.

We have a housing policy that says if a state house is tested for P and fails the test, those people are banned from Housing NZ homes for a year. Apart from state homes that have actually had a meth cook in them, simply having smoked P in a  room won’t have the nightmare health hazards that have been sold to us. So using a positive test for P, which may have been from a  previous tenant or guest, to ban people from state homes effectively is a means of creating more homeless.

The bloody housing policy generates homelessness!

60% of beneficiaries on solo parent and job seeker benefits owe WINZ money, half the fucking surplus in this years budget is debt owed by the poor!

The day when the agencies supposed to help the poor end up being loan sharks to them is the day that we need a political revolution to change things.

It is unacceptable that the power of the state be malformed into feudalism. It is unacceptable that public services be so underfunded that privatisation is seen as a solution. It is unacceptable to build surpluses on the backs of the poor and then borrow for billions in tax cuts.

We need a political revolution that demands a Kiwi Socialism, that recognises the role of the Crown, as spelled out in the Treaty, is to protect the rights of all people. We must have a revolution to end NZers sleeping homeless or in their cars or in over-crowded broken homes working with no dignity in a global market of exploitation.

We face challenges unlike any before our species with climate change. To adapt to that we must radically change the current status quo. It is not a matter of ‘if’ a political revolution will occur, it is simply a matter of ‘when’.

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Māori Water Rights are Human Rights are NZ rights

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What has struck me with the preoccupation with who owns water, is that it seems far too many people cling to the notion that our legal system in Aotearoa is somehow a mirror image of the English legal system.

What people conveniently forget is that Aotearoa was colonised by a country that entered a Treaty with the Māori inhabitants, the indigenous people, who were here first. It’s quite simple – the British colonisers came here and brought their laws which were applied here with appropriate modifications, commonly known as Māori customary interests or aboriginal or native title.

So all this talk about “ownership” is about applying an English property law definition that has no relevance in a country that has its own legal system. The fact that our Courts have acknowledged and applied our own common law system is something we should celebrate. It is what makes us unique – it is our point of difference. It is a reflection of our past and a recognition of the special status that Māori have as tangata whenua, Aotearoa New Zealand’s Indigenous Peoples.

The issue to be addressed in respect of water is the extent of customary interests or native title that Māori have in the rivers and lakes. The Resource Management Act did not extinguish the customary rights of Māori. It is an Act that merely regulates resource use. The RMA says a resource consent is neither real nor personal property but that just means you cannot freely transfer it as you wish. The Courts have recognised that a Council granting a water permit allows someone to take, use or divert property on specific terms. A water permit allows a person to use that property on those terms and no-one can take that away. The Court considered that all those characteristics mean a water permit is a property right. And so a resource consent to take water granted under the RMA essentially confers a property right over allocated water.

So instead of becoming preoccupied with ownership per se the issue that needs to be addressed is whether Māori have property rights in water which arise from customary interests or aboriginal or native title.

Because that has to be the starting point in looking at water. Those granting consents and those receiving consents obtain a property right in the water that is allocated under the consent. Those debating this issue and diminishing the rights of Māori are ignoring the status of Māori and allowing those without a right to hold and deal with property they may not be entitled to.

The reports of the Waitangi Tribunal are very helpful in determining Treaty rights and interests of Māori in water. Many of the early claims made concerned water, including Kaituna, Motunui, Manukau, Mohaka, Whanganui and Te Ika Whenua. In essence Tribunal reports have concluded that Treaty rights of a proprietary nature exist in specific freshwater bodies. Customary interests and native title exist to protect indigenous people – that is Māori as the first people of Aotearoa.

A number of settlement acts acknowledge rivers and lakes but do not confer any property right. They are a recognition of a relationship but do not allow for the exercise of customary interests or native title. Our waters are a taonga – Maori derive our identity from our rivers and our lakes. Why is it so hard to recognise our rights when we consider how those waters are dealt with in the future?

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Home ownership a national obsession

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Traditionally it’s been the expectation of most New Zealanders to own a home – an investment in the future and a tangible piece of the country to call your own. And this ‘Kiwi dream’ was once affordable. Today it’s crippling. Even those who can afford their mortgage payments and convince the bank to give them a loan are paying a huge proportion of their income. And those are the lucky ones. Renters struggle just as much. Others are families crammed into garages and single rooms, or sleeping in cars. This didn’t use to be the case. Families in Auckland could live on a single income and comfortably pay off a house.

Why is it necessary to own property in order to have security and a stake in society? Housing should not be a source of stress and insecurity. We have better things to worry about. It’s crippling our economy and it’s crippling our health. People should have a sense that the work that they do is rewarded and valued, be it raising and educating the next generation, building the infrastructure that will be around for generations to come, providing public services, developing technology.
The price of houses is a problem, but tinkering with capital gains taxes and first-home-buyer incentives is clearly not the answer. Doing this implies we have no control, that we have no sovereignty over the quality of our lives. I’m not saying the problem is families wanting to own a home – that’s not what’s causing this crisis. If private home ownership is so sacred to people, that should be their choice. But it shouldn’t be the focus of government policy and it shouldn’t be actively encouraged.

The solution we should be looking at is state housing en masse and rent control. The government could buy houses and land, build inexpensive quality housing (providing a lot of jobs in the process), and do it consistently and ongoingly. This on its own would cause the bottom to fall out of the speculation market.

Even in large, expensive cities like New York there is rent control. In the US it’s common to have long-term leases of up to 20 years, which means you can redecorate, etc, knowing you’ll be allowed to stay and enjoy the fruit of your labour. Berlin has rent control – landlords cannot raise the rent on a dwelling while you are living there, and tenants cannot be evicted without a reason – so you have long-term renting at (comparatively) affordable rates. And it’s not like these countries are a housing paradise. In New Zealand landlords don’t have to give a reason, just twelve weeks’ notice, and can raise the rent whenever they like. Renters don’t bother getting too comfortable, because they know that at any moment they may have to pack up and move on.

In New Zealand we have a broken attitude to renting and an unhealthy obsession with property ownership. According to IMF statistics, NZ has the fastest increasing house-price-to-income ratio in the world.

A glaring contradiction in the status quo is the idea that we need big investors to keep the economy going. If we scare them off by demanding high wages, resource consent, high taxes and, in the case of property speculators, rent control, then the economy will grind to a halt. At the same time people know that most of these investors do not have our interests at heart. What they have at heart are ‘the interests of the shareholders’. Are you are shareholder? I’m not.

We have to recognise that you can’t have it both ways, and that capital flight is a bloody good thing. We are then free to create our own capital – the result of our hard work, our collective skills and knowledge and ingenuity, and the abundant natural resources we are currently frittering away to multi-nationals who pay peanuts. If we gave them the finger, we could still mine and drill if we wanted to, but we’d have a choice, we’d pay people properly to do the work, we’d collect the profits ourselves, we could do it sustainably, and leave something in the ground for future generations.

And fossil fuels and mineral ore aren’t our only natural resource. If we act soon, it won’t be too late to rescue our ‘clean green’ claim of days gone by from the jaws of extinction.

But I’m getting off track. With an escalating housing crisis, people are too preoccupied about the possibility of getting turfed out on the street to concern themselves with creative solutions towards a sustainably flourishing economy. They have us over a barrel. It’s hard to get inspired when you can’t afford to get off the treadmill for a moment, for fear of losing everything. And it’s especially hard to get inspired when you have nowhere to live and the society you’re supposed to have a stake in doesn’t acknowledge your existence.

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Budget 2016: Did Bill English try to pull a swiftie on ‘The Nation’?

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Frank Macskasy - letters to the editor - Frankly Speaking

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On TV3’s “The Nation“, Lisa Owen asked Finance Minister Bill English if funding for health and education had been cut on a per-capita basis. The response from  English was jaw-dropping;

“…if you look at the figures, let’s say for health, a variety of economists say that we needed about 700 million a year just to keep pace, yet health is getting about 570 million a year. You’ve frozen the schools’ operational budgets, so to be absolutely clear, per capita spending on health and education, it’s down, isn’t it?”

Bill English replied;

“No. Look, I couldn’t say for sure whether it’s up or down. “

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The nation - lisa owen - Bill english - budget 2016 - homelessness

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What?! The Finance Minister was saying to the New Zealand public that he “ couldn’t say for sure whether it’s [per capita spending] up or down“?! So how does he allocate money within the multi-billion dollar budget? By roll of a dice?

It deserved a response…

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from: Frank Macskasy <fmacskasy@gmail.com>
to: NZ Herald <letters@herald.co.nz>
date: Sat, May 28, 2016
subject: Letter to the editor

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The editor
NZ Herald

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On 28 May, Finance Minister Bill English was interviewed on TV3’s “The Nation“. Host Lisa Owen asked English if funding for health and education had been cut on a per-capita basis;

“…if you look at the figures, let’s say for health, a variety of economists say that we needed about 700 million a year just to keep pace, yet health is getting about 570 million a year. You’ve frozen the schools’ operational budgets, so to be absolutely clear, per capita spending on health and education, it’s down, isn’t it?”

English replied,

“No. Look, I couldn’t say for sure whether it’s up or down. “

Which he repeated;

“It’s not a measure we apply… Now, per capita, I can’t tell you whether it’s up or down. “

It beggars belief that a Finance Minister, responsible for a budget of $77.4 billion of taxpayer’s money, appears not to know if per capita spending on health and education is up or down.

This would be akin to mum and dad doing the weekly grocery shopping – and not knowing how many children to buy food for.

It simply is not credible that a Finance Minister would be unaware of such basic information.

So which is it – incompetence or evasion?

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-Frank Macskasy

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[address and phone number supplied]

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References

TV3 The Nation: Interview with Bill English

Fairfax media:  Budget 2016 – $700m needed for health to stand still – CTU

NZ Herald: New Zealand Budget 2016 – At-risk students targeted, operational funding frozen

Budget 2016: Core Crown expenses

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You might be suffering from capitalism

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= fs =

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Political Caption Competition

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The Daily Blog Open Mic – Sunday – 29th May 2016

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Announce protest actions, general chit chat or give your opinion on issues we haven’t covered for the day.

Moderation rules are more lenient for this section, but try and play nicely.

 

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Israel’s founding ideology

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On 4 May, the eve of this year’s Holocaust Remembrance Day, Israeli Deputy Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Yair Golan, delivered a public address at the Massuah Institute for Holocaust Studies, comparing the political situation in Israel and the events that led to the ending of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi takeover of power.

The Zionist Jewish Virtual Library describes Zionist ideology as “the national movement for the return of the Jewish people to their homeland and the resumption of Jewish sovereignty in the Land of Israel [emphasis added]”. It also quotes the German/Jewish scholar of totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt‘s, expression of the Zionist belief that:

Palestine [emphasis added] was conceived as the place, the only place, where Jews could escape: from Jew-hatred … At the core of this hope … we find the old mentality of enslaved peoples, the belief that it does not pay to fight back, that we must dodge and escape in order to survive.”

The Jewish Virtual Library’s definition of Zionism begins by describing the Palestinian people’s homeland as “the Land of Israel”. On the other hand, Hannah Arendt recognises Palestine as the land Zionism intends to colonise. Missing in Zionism’s demand for a state exclusive to one people is any feeling or respect for the rights of the indigenous people to self-determination.

On 21 June 1933, the Zionist Federation of Germany sent a memorandum to the Nazi Party that contains the following insight into Zionist psychology:

“On the foundation of the new [Nazi German] state, which has established the principle of race, we wish so to fit our community into the total structure so that for us too, in the sphere assigned to us, fruitful activity for the Fatherland is possible… Our acknowledgment of Jewish nationality provides for a clear and sincere relationship to the German people and its national and racial realities. Precisely because we do not wish to falsify these fundamentals, because we, too, are against mixed marriage and are for maintaining the purity of the Jewish group…” (Lucy Dawidowicz (ed.), A Holocaust Reader, pp. 150-155.)

The provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention reflect a global consensus concerning human rights and the need to eliminate discrimination and racism. But for Zionists, it seems, the solution to ‘Jew hatred’ depends upon the dispossession of the Palestinian population who had nothing to do with European persecution of the Jews. The forcing of Palestinians from their homes and into refugee camps, as well as the denial of their right of return, are done in the name of Jewish people worldwide, many of whom nevertheless say “not in my name”.

In an interview with International Clearing House journalist, Silvia Cattori, on 11 January 2008, with Holocaust survivor, Hedy Epstein, whose parents perished at Auschwitz in 1942, noted that:

“Israel would not be able to carry out its crimes against humanity without the United States, the world, permitting it to do so . . .”

Zionist Israel is guilty of more violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention and Security Council Resolutions condemning its behaviour than any other country. In the land of ‘escape’ for persecuted Jews, the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, reports that “some 20,000 ageing Holocaust survivors receive little or no support from Israel, and 45,000 live under poverty line.”

[Sadly, Hedy Epstein very recently passed away on 26 May aged 91 years. Her obituary can be seen on Mondoweiss.]

Zionism and Israel’s identity
The signatories to Israel’s 14 May 1948 Declaration of Independence identified themselves thus:

“. . . We members of the People’s Council, representatives of the Jewish Community of Eretz-Israel and of the Zionist movement . . .”

In his book Zionism in the Age of the Dictators, Lenni Brenner comments that:

“Zionism, . . . is an ideology, and its chronicles are to be examined with the same critical eye that readers should bring to the history of any political tendency. Zionism is not now, nor was it ever, co-extensive with either Judaism or the Jewish people. The vast majority of Hitler’s Jewish victims were not Zionists. It is equally true, as readers are invited to see for themselves, that the majority of the Jews of Poland, in particular, had repudiated Zionism on the eve of the Holocaust, that they abhorred the politics of Menachem Begin, in September 1939, one of the leaders of the self-styled ‘Zionist Revisionist’ movement in the Polish capital.

“As an anti-Zionist Jew, the author is inured to the charge that anti-Zionism is equivalent to anti-Semitism and Jewish self-hatred.”

Menachem Begin was Israel’s sixth prime minister, from 1977 to 1983. In a letter to The New York Times on 4 December 1948, Albert Einstein and a number of other people described Begin’s ‘Freedom Party’ (Tnuat Haherut) as “a political party closely akin in its organisation, methods, political philosophy and social appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties. It was formed out of the membership and following of the former Irgun Zvai Leumi, a terrorist, right-wing, chauvinist organisation in Palestine.”

Deir Yassin massacre and the creation of Israel
The Jewish Virtual Library describes the Zionist stormtroopers, Irgun, Lehi (Stern Gang) and Haganah, as “Jewish Defence Organisations in Palestine”. On 9 April 1948, before the unilaterally-declared establishment of the Zionist state, in a joint operation code-named ‘Operation Unity’, these three armed Israeli settler gangs, later to be absorbed into the foundation of the Israeli Army, attacked the village of Deir Yassin. The villagers, already forced to live surrounded and blockaded by settler colonists, were now faced with direct armed violence that aimed to kill many of them, and force the rest out of their homes and off their land.

A British interrogating officer, Deputy Inspector General Richard Catling, confirmed that:

“The recording of statements is hampered also by the hysterical state of the women who often break down many times whilst the statement is being recorded. There is, however, no doubt that many sexual atrocities were committed by the attacking Jews. Many young schoolgirls were raped and later slaughtered. Old women were also molested. One story is current concerning a case in which a young girl was literally torn in two. Many infants were also butchered and killed. I also saw one old woman … who had been severely beaten about the head with rifle butts. Women had bracelets torn from their arms and rings from their fingers and parts of some of the women’s ears were severed in order to remove earrings.”

Menachem Begin hailed the Deir Yassin atrocity saying “splendid act of conquest” and in a note to his commanders he wrote:

“Tell the soldiers: you have made history in Israel with your attack and your conquest. Continue thus until victory. As in Deir Yassin, so everywhere, we will attack and smite the enemy. God, God, Thou has chosen us for conquest.”

There is much more to the massacre and a fuller account can be read here.

Ideology and the abandonment of reason and morality
What makes any human being behave with such barbarity? How did the German people allow themselves to fall under the thrall of Nazism? History has shown that the most terrible thing about political ideologies based on ethnicity and discrimination is that they undermine rationality and the normal feelings of respect for humanity. At their most extreme they lead to atrocities, massacres and a complete abandonment of moral responsibility by the leadership and, eventually, even by the individual. On 4 May, the eve of this year’s Holocaust Remembrance Day, Israeli Deputy Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Yair Golan, delivered a public address at the Massuah Institute for Holocaust Studies, comparing the political situation in Israel and the events that led to the ending of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi takeover of power. Israeli author, Uri Avnery, felt compelled to write about the General’s speech “because I was there. As a child I was an eye-witness to the last years of the Weimar Republic . . . and the first half-a-year of Nazi rule.” He commented:

“The discrimination against the Palestinians in practically all spheres of life can be compared to the treatment of the Jews in the first phase of Nazi Germany. (The oppression of the Palestinians in the occupied territories resembles more the treatment of the Czechs in the “protectorate” after the Munich betrayal.) The rain of racist bills in the Knesset, those already adopted and those in the works, strongly resembles the laws adopted by the Reichstag in the early days of the Nazi regime. Some rabbis call for a boycott of Arab shops. Like then. The call “Death to the Arabs” (“Judah verrecke”?) is regularly heard at soccer matches. A member of parliament has called for the separation between Jewish and Arab newborns in hospital. A Chief Rabbi has declared that Goyim (non-Jews) were created by God to serve the Jews. Our Ministers of Education and Culture are busy subduing the schools, theatre and arts to the extreme rightist line, something known in German as Gleichschaltung. The Supreme Court, the pride of Israel, is being relentlessly attacked by the Minister of Justice. The Gaza Strip is a huge ghetto.”

Is Israel ashamed of the Deir Yassin atrocity?
In spite of protests, Israel made Deir Yassin practically disappear in 1949, replacing the village with the West Jerusalem neighbourhood of Givat Shaul Bet. Some people thought that settling the land so soon after the killings would amount to approval of the massacre but repeated appeals to David Ben-Gurion failed to get a response. In 1951, some of the Deir Yassin houses that had survived were used in the construction of the Kfar Shaul Mental Health Centre. The houses, now out of reach, lie hidden behind the hospital’s fence. Other Deir Yassin houses outside the hospital grounds are used for residential and commercial purposes. A mile and a half away, lie Mount Herzl (named after the founder of Zionism) and the Holocaust memorial museum, Yad Vashem.

As if that were not tragedy enough!
On 28 October 1948, the Israeli Army’s 89th Commando Battalion, under Moshe Dayan, raided the village of al-Dawayima. According to the village headman, Hassan Mahmoud Ihdeib, al-Dawayima was approached from three directions. He said that there were no acts of resistance and no call to surrender had been made by Israeli forces. Indiscriminate Israeli Army fire lasted for over an hour, although many villagers did manage to flee. Even so, on returning the next day with other villagers, 60 bodies were found in the village mosque, mostly elderly men. There were numerous corpses of men, women and children in the streets. Eighty bodies were found in the entrance of the Iraq El Zagh cavern. An official account revealed that, of the 455 missing persons, 280 were men and the remainder women and children. The list of atrocities goes on – Ben-Gurion University historian, Benny Morris, describes the ethnic cleansing of Lydda and Ramle in 1948.

Refugees
According to UN estimates, 750,000 Palestinians were driven out of the land Occupied by the self-described Jewish state in 1948. UNRWA is responsible now for around five million Palestinian refugees who constitute the largest and longest-standing refugee population in the world. Many live in miserable refugee camps in surrounding states or in the West Bank or Gaza; many retain the title to their land, recognised either by the Ottomans or later by the British up until 1948. Many of the refugees retain the keys to their former homes in what is now Israel. The 1967 war caused a second wave of around 300,000 refugees from the West Bank and Gaza, many of whom were forced to flee Israeli aerial blitzes that included the use of napalm. The persecution of Palestinians takes two forms. One is achieved through the blockade and periodic aerial blitzes of Gaza and the other is the malevolent, stifling, military Occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem:

Checkpoints, relentless persecution
Lack of freedom of movement is the frustrating and humiliating background to daily life for the Palestinian people, whose suffering includes a variety of human rights abuses, from night home invasions to wanton acts of agricultural and economic sabotage. The Israeli Occupation Army enforces a permit system for the benefit of settlers that determines where Palestinians may live in their own land. In Gaza, Israel’s blitzes continue the tradition of Zionist massacres. In the West Bank and Jerusalem the witness (sometimes captured on video) of ever-watchful peace activists helps, somewhat, to curb Israeli Army brutality. Even so, the Army constantly hinders movement around towns and villages, including the transportation of farm produce and other goods, by blocking roads with obstacles. Trucks have to be unloaded by hand at these road blocks and re-loaded onto vehicles brought from beyond the obstructions. Road closures are used to isolate areas wherever the Israeli Army considers the presence of Palestinians to be ‘illegal’. There are instances of Palestinian mothers giving birth at checkpoints, having been denied ready access to hospital. In some cases, mothers and babies have died as a result of Israeli Army indifference. The sheer number of Israeli checkpoints means that Palestinian workers have to get up in the middle of the night to start their journey to work.

Agricultural and economic sabotage
Both the Israeli Army and Israel’s illegal Occupation settlers terrorise Palestinian farmers, often preventing them from working their land, as well as uprooting or setting fire to and bulldozing Palestinian olive trees and crops. The United Nations (UN Security Council Resolution 465) has repeatedly stated that Israel’s construction of settlements constitutes violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The International Court of Justice (see also summary) says these settlements are illegal and no foreign governments support Israel’s settlements. The aim of the settlements is to take land and resources from the local people and to bring pressure to bear on them to leave altogether.

The Gaza fishing industry and farming
The Gaza fishing industry is being crippled by the enforcement of a draconian fishing limit. The Israeli Navy forces Palestinian fishing boats to remain within a three-nautical-mile, over-fished zone, sometimes at the cost to crews of life, limb and property. Since 1 April this year, Israel has sunk two Palestinian fishing boats, damaged another and hijacked 12 more. Gaza City’s ruined international airport is permanently closed. Palestinians needing to enter or leave Palestine can do so only with Israeli permission. In addition to Israel’s occasional massive bombing raids, Gaza’s farmers are forced to live with constant attacks that frequently include the bulldozing of crops. In between the blitzes, occasional Israeli air strikes, overflying drones and sonic booms created by Israeli war planes continue to traumatise the population. The effects on the children are particularly distressing.

House demolitions, evictions and forcible transfer
The Israeli Occupation severely limits the ability of Palestinians to build in East Jerusalem, discriminating against them in favour of Jews. Palestinians living in overcrowded housing and appalling conditions are faced with the choice, either to move out to the Palestinian enclaves in Areas A and B or build homes without Israeli permits and face the consequences. Israeli Army military exercises are also used to force Palestinians out of their homes. An example of this practice is contained in an International Women’s Peace Service (IWPS) report on the terrorising of a Bedouin community in the Jordan Valley.

According to a UN report published on 8 April, Israeli destruction of Palestinian homes in the West Bank have tripled. The average number of monthly demolitions has soared by more than 200% to 165 since January, the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said, according to Reuters. February saw an unprecedented number of 265 demolished buildings, and dozens of children are homeless as a result. “It is a very marked and worrying increase,” Catherine Cook of OCHA said, adding that the situation in the West Bank hasn’t been this critical since 2009, when the UN started monitoring the damage and began collecting data. “The hardest hit are Bedouin and Palestinian farming communities who are at risk of forcible transfer, which is a clear violation of international law,” she noted. The buildings that are being demolished include houses, tents, livestock shelters, schools and even EU humanitarian structures. In March, for example, a school sponsored by the French Government was brought down. The “large-scale” demolition of Palestinian homes has been slammed by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine. Sarit Michaeli, a spokeswoman for B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights group, commented:

“To demolish the homes of Palestinians who are protected under the Geneva Conventions and to build [Israeli] settlements is a clear violation of international humanitarian law.”

A very recent example of the malevolence that drives Israel’s pursuit of Zionist objectives occurred on 24 May in the Hizbet area of Wadi Joz in Jerusalem. At about 2am, the Israeli Occupation Army arrived with a bulldozer to destroy a family home that stood in the way of a national park planned by Israel. The family received only three minutes notice to get out of their home so that the furniture and most of their possessions were damaged or lost under the rubble. Now homeless, their only protection from the elements is a tarpaulin. The children, rudely awakened, were traumatised not only by the destruction of their home but also by the physical violence used against the family. As if having their home demolished were not enough, the family also faces having to pay for Israel’s criminal act. Based on the cost of other Israeli Army home demolitions, the bill is likely to amount to around US$26,000, far beyond the family’s means.

Home invasions and abductions of minors, including children
A Palestinian child can be tried as an adult in Israeli Courts from age 14 but Israeli children are considered to be minors until the age of 18. Israeli troops invade Palestinian homes (often at dead of night) and abductions are commonplace. Israeli soldiers also vandalise the interiors of Palestinian homes during raids in which children and other minors are terrorised. Youngsters abducted by Israeli soldiers are often blindfolded and their wrists tied behind their backs. Many children are illegally taken to prison in Israel, where more terror is practised against them, such as solitary confinement and shackling in painful positions for long periods. Most of these children are detained inside Israel in violation of Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. This inhumane treatment of children prompted an Investigation and Report by UNICEF in February 2013.

Geographical and ecological realities
Take one example – water; a major aquifer under the West Bank is controlled by Israel and from it the Occupying power illegally plunders two-thirds of the precious resource. Across the Occupied West Bank, Israel’s illegal settlements have completely unfettered access to water. Settler homes enjoy full swimming pools and well-watered gardens, while the Palestinian people’s access to their own water is severely restricted. Israel compounds this crime in two ways: The Zionist state forces Palestinians to pay the Israeli Government public water supply company Mekorot for what little they are allowed and, at the same time, Israel forbids Palestinians to sink wells or even build water-storage facilities. Palestinians living under Israeli Occupation are restricted to about 70 litres a day per person – well below the 100 litres per capita daily recommended by the World Health Organisation (WHO) – whereas Israeli daily per capita consumption, at about 300 litres, is about four times as much. In some rural communities, Palestinians survive on far less than even the average 70 litres, in some cases barely 20 litres a day, the minimum amount recommended by the World Health Organisation (WHO) for emergency situations response.

In Gaza, reports by both the World Bank and the United Nations Environment Programme show that the water crisis is likely to be critical and irreversible by 2020. They make clear that Gaza is almost completely dependent on a coastal aquifer that has now become filled with undrinkable sea water. Both international bodies express concern that Israeli military Occupation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip means severe limitations on people’s access to essential water supplies.

Another example of the water discrimination faced by Palestinians is the plight of Furush Beit Dajan villagers in the Jordan Valley. A visit by a delegation that included two British MPs in January 2015, co-ordinated by EWASH member Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committee (PARC), heard how the Israeli Occupation was choking the community’s access to water. Israeli settlements surrounding the village faced no restrictions on access to water resources, while Palestinians are allowed only to extract water from wells down to a depth of 80 metres. Palestinian farmers are unable to obtain the quantity or quality of water necessary to effectively irrigate their crops. Following the Occupation of the West Bank in 1967, the Israeli Army seized all the agricultural land in the area and Palestinian farmers are forced into renting their own land back from the Israelis. The land of Palestine/Israel is too small to divide in the manner imagined by proponents of the so-called ‘two-state solution’. The nature and distribution of the ecology, geography and resources of the land render it impossible to do so with equity.

Recognising this reality, the Israeli historian and professor of history, Ilan Pappe, has observed:

“Jewish settlers and native Palestinians share a land and will do so also in the future. The best way to fight anti-Semitism today is to turn this land into a free democratic state that is based as much as possible on just and equitable economic, social and political principles.”

One state, with equality for all
In addition to the suffering they face under Israeli military Occupation, Palestinians in Israel have to contend with more than 50 discriminatory Israeli laws. These affect all areas of life, including rights to political participation, access to land, education, state budget resources and criminal procedures. Some of the laws also violate the rights of refugees. For discrimination to end, the United Nations must recognise that Zionism is ideologically opposed to the UN Charter.

The contemptuous decision to partition the Palestinian people’s homeland in favour of foreign colonialism has led to more than three generations of injustice and suffering. Yet world powers continue to stand by and allow the Israeli regime to seize, in defiance of international law, ever more Palestinian land. While Israeli, Palestinian and other human rights groups world-wide bear witness to Israel’s human rights violations, their dedicated testimony attracts little serious attention from mainstream news media and powerful political leaders. But global support for the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement is growing and that dedication, energising its successes, sets an example that world leaders should follow. Sadly, at Israel’s instigation, authorities in the US, UK, France, Canada and elsewhere are introducing legislation and other anti-democratic measures to undermine the BDS movement. In France, one young activist has been arrested just for wearing a Free Palestine t-shirt.

On 10 May, Nazareth-based journalist Jonathan Cook warned that the characteristics of Zionism include:

“an exclusionary definition of peoplehood; a need to foment fear and hatred of the other as a way to keep the nation tightly bound; an obsession with and hunger for territory; and a highly militarised culture.”

In the West, the democratic process is being compromised in order to protect Israel. The UN Security Council and the General Assembly have a duty to stop shielding Israel from its accountability for violations of international law. Repudiation of Zionism would be an embrace of reason that could liberate both Palestine and Israel! Security Council sanctions are urgently required to begin the process of bringing Israel to account and restoring justice.

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Daily Blog May Donations Drive – last day today

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Brothers and Sisters, if you think The Daily Blog is an important voice in the NZ media landscape, then we need your contribution. We’ve seen this month the media consolidation that is occurring that will see one Newspaper Monopoly – you know how bad the mainstream media are now, what will happen when they get even more powerful?

If you want to fight that kind of monopoly of information and opinion, then we need your help.

Putting together a 5 night a week 7pm current affairs show and co-ordinating 40 of the best left wing progressive voices each month deosn’t come cheap. The Daily Blog is the largest left wing blog in NZ and you know how dire the mainstream media has become so these few platforms left to fight back at the Government and corporate power are more essential than ever before.

If you are in a position to contribute financially, today is our last day of the May donations drive – please do so here. If you want to help us but can’t do so financially, please retweet and share all our work on social media.

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In solidarity.

 

TDB Team

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Budget entrenches society’s pathologies

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Was anyone really surprised that this year’s government budget was an underwhelming affair, ‘business as usual’ (with an emphasis on business), conservative in terms of expenditure on the disintegrating social fabric of our country, containing only token gestures to gloss over but not to reform inequities?

This budget and this Government were never going to address homelessness. On the one hand, Ministers are not sure if they agree that a crisis of homelessness even exists. On the other hand, they reject tax and other controls to address housing unaffordability and unavailability – but whip out ideologically driven, draconian, ready-made solutions such as freeing up yet more land on city fringes for development, threatening to remove council control over planning decisions, fast tracking consents, and removing residents’ rights to defend their local environments. But these moves are pre-emptory given the imminent decisions on thirty years’ residential land supply signalled in Auckland’s Proposed Unitary Plan; inappropriate, given the council’s role in land use planning, representing communities, and providing infrastructure; ill targeted given that the liberalisation of development controls will put even more pressure on the construction sector’s limited capacity to build quality houses; and inevitably ineffective, given poor peoples’ borrowing limits, and existing high house prices. As economist Shamabeel Eaqub says, government’s policies directed at generating ‘new housing, …focus on the affluent, rather than the poor’.

This budget contains some targeted education funding for the most needy children – at the expense of schools’ general operating budgets; some targeted funding for intensive case work to get young people into jobs; and support for the integration of released prisoners back into the workforce. But this government was never realistically going to take steps to improve the conditions of those most in need; to address mental and physical health problems at cause; to correct the structural causes of inequity, poverty, despair. There are no answers to those problems within the current model. Higher pay, less wage slavery, safer working conditions, more dignity in the workplace, a living wage. These things are an anathema, untenable in an economy that seeks to extract maximum value and profit, and minimise costs of labour and externalities.

Bill English’s budget speech apparently mentioned growth ten times, and inequality once. But then this is a budget that increased military and intelligence operational spending by $479 million, on top of a base budget of almost $2 billion, but only provided an extra $200 million for social housing. Yet our society is more threatened by socio-economic inequality than it is by terrorism or invasion.

The budget was never going to improve fresh water quality for its intrinsic, recreational and environmental values. Instead, the budget allocates funds for freshwater enhancement (ameliorating the worst effects of intensive dairy capitalism on behalf of the industry) but also subsidises irrigation schemes and pins future economic hopes on pollution’s source – more intensive dairy production, and more nitrates and run-off and more contaminated rivers.

Pre-budget promises of good things to come for conservation, came to nought, with a real-world reduction of the Department of Conservation’s budget, despite our country having about 800 endangered or threatened species – so many they even have their own ambassador! DoC’s on the ground work is undermined by ongoing funding cuts, this year a reduction of 14% for the Department’s core business of ‘Management of Natural Heritage’ – care of native animals and habitats. DoC’s opex is down 9% from last year, and overall funding is also 9% less than before. While $12 million has been allocated to help small communities provide toilets to support tourism, this government that sees the natural world as a commodity to be marketed and traded, not one to be protected for its natural values. Species and habitats are apparently less important than ever.

The budget has been criticised for being like a band aid on a serious injury. The indicators of inequality, homelessness, hopelessness, 146,000 people unemployed, 200,000 children in poverty, epidemic suicide levels, a precariat workforce in a heavily indebted, precarious, narrowly focused, undiversified economy, all show a seriously injured society indeed.

This budget and this government were never going to provide the structural tools and address the structural challenges of a deregulated, speculative, unequal society. Addressing the chasm of income disparity would require the removal of privileges, the redistribution of advantage. It would require revolution over reform, and this budget at best attempts to cover up or provide a symbolic salve while entrenching the pathologies arising from the model itself. This is a government that’s looking out for the political gains of less taxes, of an ideology of less government and more business. It’s a government that follows the market, not one that leads society.

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GUEST BLOG: Dave Macpherson – Another Open Letter to Board of Waikato DHB re: Nicky Stevens

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Dear Bob – we have noted from your reply that you have not yet been able to bring yourselves to say ‘sorry’.

It is not that hard to say if you really try; it is spelt S.O.R.R.Y.

Nicky was in your legal care (your choice, not his) when he died. What part of the responsibility for that does the Waikato DHB not accept?

The only people who have hidden behind the the excuse that you have to wait to investigate until after the Police investigations are the DHB, Ministry of Health and the MoH-appointed ‘Mental Health Inspectors’. The Police and Hauora Waikato (Nicky’s community mental health providers) have not done that.

The Police finished their investigations months ago. The Crown Prosecutor has been reviewing the file for some time, and your CEO has been informed of that by the Police. Your excuse is wearing very thin.

In the meantime, key staff have moved on, or been shifted on, or been offered jobs that will keep them quiet. Any investigation (even a non-independent one like yours) will be raking over ancient history by the time it commences.

Our family cannot move on while we have no answers, and no-one in the health sector will accept any responsibility.

The Waikato DHB failed our son, and is continuing to fail our family.

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Why Poetry? / Why Breathe? Poetry Day 2016

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When I flew in to places, I was not just flying in to places.  

I wasn’t just waiting for my Backpack to arrive by itself at LA airport, while a tall blonde ground crew personnel appeared as an apparition in six inch heels to explain that there was a dog on the runway, and we all waited…

I wasn’t just hoisting my slightly military looking camera tripod over my shoulder while making my way through customs, in Bankok in a sleeveless puffer jacket at 27 years old in a pre 9/11 world…  

I was never just walking out to a pink wooden bus, pungent with frangipani and gardenia while there was a lightening storm breaking the back of the sky over Faleolo, looking up and around in wonder at the tall palms dancing in the dark…

I was fulfilling a personal prophecy that came from a line of poetry I wrote in a class.  

Flying in for the event

I wasn’t just photographing the white sands deserts and their road signs, or reflecting on anagrams when observing a dying vole in Austin, with a Canadian man who would never be my lover, while he infamously proffered a melon, and asked me …

So we …Cantaloupe?”

I was never only standing on the steps of the Jewish Museum Berlin on September 11th 2001, with my camera running…  

I was never only startled by a large green lizard when peeing behind a shrub on the side of the road some way out of Rome, while the Italian pyrotechnics guys prepared to blow up the van…    

Flying in for the event”  was something I craved as a girl in the Auckland suburbs when I thought that I would never be able to leave the country and see the world, but I was never just a girl in a school uniform, penning observations about the world beyond our state house letterbox, the washing line, the bus, stop.   

Travelling was something I manifested in my life through poetic thinking.  

We cast an eye over the world, which is interpreted by our neurological system, which is built by experience, which is delivered by language, which is enabled by storytelling.  

Poetry in everything, is the by-line of my life.  I even tried to work out how to put that in Latin: Camena in totum res, is as far as I got, (if you can improve on this please let me know, I would like to inscribe it on everything in silver embroidery cotton).  

Because Poetry is a Way Of Seeing,  I disagree with C.K.Stead when he once said in a lecture I was present at:   that you can’t try to experience everything you want to write about, in order to write about it, because you will go insane.  There is nothing wrong he said (I am paraphrasing) with sitting in your writing room, and using your imagination!

Stead I suspect, was responding to the urges of the seventies in NZ poetic movements to move around, and experience life, and (I am generalizing) to let the way you live life inform your work.  Much like the famous quip by Lawrence Olivier to Dustin Hoffman who was exhausting himself with a ‘method’ approach on set:  “My dear boy, why don’t you try acting?”  

I teach a creative writing class and when I do I lead the writers to a page in Dick Frizzell’s autobiography in which he discovers the drawers of catalogued images in his Elam lecturer’s desk. “Reference, reference, reference!”  He and I were schooled on discovering that one is not actually obliged to use only the muscle of the memory in drawing but also the guidelines the world already has to offer.  It was Giotto who was obliged to draw a circle freehand to prove his artistic prowess.  Now we have phones and data and instagram, but it’s not everything.  Performing to real people in real time in real space is already interdisciplinary in a way that tech can’t reach.  

I am suggesting that there is a third dimension in this simplistic map.

What about when writing from the imagination leads the path? Oo!  Now we’re talking indulgences!  Which is why some of us place value on observing the purpling of the sky at high altitude as an added bonus and the delight of coming over a frozen crest to observe sastrugi (the name given to wind blown ice forms in perpetually cold places), also a bonus, a by-product, an unexpected discovery, when our intention was to simply climb the mountain.  I could probably have written about the rope and the crampons, without going up the mountain. I could no doubt have googled mountain and discovered sastrugi, but would I ever have known the sky was violet if I hadn’t known to ask?  Would I remember as well the face of my friend, from the photos I never saw, because she forgot to put a film in the camera?  Could I have envisaged the statued scene of six climbers roped together on a high crest watching a tiny mars bar gain velocity as it slid into an infinity of white and blue ice?

As actors and writers, we observe people and inhabit them, and to some extent we allow them to inhabit us.  However we are always balancing the imagination with the practical experience that leads us to more points of departure.  

Discovery in the own brain, is called epiphany.  It is the mainstay of ALL educational theory.  (Oh let’s not dispute that in the academic arena).  Epiphany is the word that sits behind words like inquiry, in educational theory.  

This is why I love the mechanics of performance so much.  It’s education for adults.  You’re sitting in a theatre, wondering if you’re sure you know as much as you should about what’s going on, and then your brain suddenly sets off a series of cognitive flashes, like a Rube Goldberg of neural activity, and you lean in …   that is epiphany.  

When I teach a gorgeous class of 7-9 year olds on Thursday morning baroque recorder, and ask them if they know what medieval is?  They say no.  Then I get them to stand up, and I say “what about castles, and kings, and knights of the realm, and flags on the hill, and hand to hand combat in battle, and if the right person is galloping to get in quickly because they’re being chased on horses, you’ll need to grab your bugle and play a fanfare which sends a message to the people downstairs to open the door”, then one by one those wee faces light up, and that is epiphany, and then we play invented fanfares on our plastic recorders and that is called play, and in associating inventive thinking with received information we’ve apprehended the epiphany and fixed it in place through a performative experience.  

If you learn at a young age, to harness your imagination for the dangers it might bring, or to shackle it, and rely solely on your ‘right-brain thinking’ just by way of example then you may end up as one of the students in a writing class I once had who was afraid of her imagination.  While the task at hand was to imagine the voices of our characters, she mocked me, suggesting that if I was able to ‘hear’ the voice of my character, then I must be mad, as hearing voices is a sign of madness.  

It’s ok”, I told her, “You are in control”.  The techniques in writing I am using actually stem from improvisational theatre, from Keith Johnstone, and his inherited education in mask work, which stems in turn from ritualistic theatre processes in which the wearer of the mask allows the mask to ‘posses’ them while they wear it.  So maybe she sensed some voodoo in the process!  Or maybe she was harbouring some wonderful inner life that was daunting to her instead of entertaining to us.  

   There still persist contemporary fears of people who use their imagination powerfully.  In the 20th century, (yes, and the 21st, I haven’t been counting,) poets have been frequently killed for the threat they display in using language well.  Sometimes I feel as though there is a subjugation of reverence for the arts here in New Zealand.  In edgy fringy local theatre / film and musical production, funding for resources is more limited than ever and the competition to make art is high, and co-opted  by micro-corporatizations or art groups, or even appropriated by the corporate world.  There’s even a friendly but radical tribalism between groups in poetry in Auckland that I first observed in New York on a poetry tour in 2006.  There’s a soft hegemony, of publishing and academic text, and then there’s a lateral segregation as well.  A clustering of words-workers that illustrates the racial, fiscal and cultural dynamic that we might otherwise think is all Even Stevens.  By nature poetry wants to transcend these ghettos of language.    

   Poetry can be perceived as a danger to some. Poetry breaks walls, and educates outside the ministries.  It gives privately shared language to the people in the way that previously, privately shared language was reserved for the wealthy and the clergy. It obfuscates the mechanics that uphold it, and pops up in places you thought it was incapable of getting to.  It can take hold anywhere, like fungi, or a Boston Dynamics Sand Flea.  It evades the dumbing-down that wealth inequality contours, and it is most indomitably never immoral as it’s always up for review; completely transparent; exists outside of finance structures and is irrefutably beneficial to society.  

So when Phantom Billstickers said they were supporting New Zealand’s National Poetry Day, my eyes lit up, and so did the sky, and a half a rainbow appeared over the Auckland Old Folk’s Ass in Gundy Street off K’road.  

 

Now we’ve confirmed,           FLOCK  

will take place on the                 26th August

at the                                Auckland Old Folk’s Ass.  at     8.30 pm.  

as part of PHANTOM BILLSTICKERS National Poetry Day!!  

 

find our facebook page and join it to follow our progress!
You know what would be even better?    Come and audition!  

 

Genevieve McClean – TDBs Arts reviewer

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Political Caption Competition

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The Daily Blog Open Mic – Saturday – 28th May 2016

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Announce protest actions, general chit chat or give your opinion on issues we haven’t covered for the day.

Moderation rules are more lenient for this section, but try and play nicely.

 

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Waatea 5th Estate – Friday night Political Wrap of the week

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Waatea 5th Estate – Friday night Political Wrap of the week

 

Joining us to wrap the Political Week 

Leader of the Opposition – Andrew Little

Actor + Columnist – Oscar Kightley

Human Rights Activist – Helen Kelly

Documentary Maker – Bryan Bruce

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MUST READ: Budget 2016: What Bill English Didn’t Say In His Speech.

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BILL ENGLISH’S LATEST BUDGET is a masterful exercise in deception. He has done everything he can to mask the effects of the most rapid expansion in New Zealand’s population since the 1970s. The monies allocated to the core centres of state expenditure – Welfare, Health and Education – barely match the rising numbers they are expected to serve. Faced with an intensifying housing crisis, English’s response has been wholly inadequate. Determined to preserve the vital political dividend of rapidly rising Auckland property prices, English and his colleagues have steadfastly refused to address the supply-side of the housing equation. The crash programme of state house construction that would end the crisis must wait for a change of government.

All governments take care to tax and spend with an eye to their re-election. It is a rare political party that will sabotage its own chances of remaining in office by threatening the status and wealth of their core constituencies. In the case of the National Party, self-preservation means doing as much as is politically feasible to advance the interests of farmers, businesspeople, managers and professionals. In the case of the Labour Party, it means looking after public sector workers, low-to-middle-income private sector employees, beneficiaries and those elderly New Zealanders more-or-less reliant on NZ Superannuation.

English has clearly decided that the best way he can help National’s core constituencies is to retire as much public debt as possible and reduce the New Zealand state to approximately three-quarters of its present size. Dismissing these goals as “purely ideological”, while true, largely misses the point. It is simply what must be done to give National’s supporters what they most want from “their” government: lower taxes for themselves, and higher stress levels for everyone else.

This latter goal is a crucial aspect of right-wing politics. Only by consistently reducing the political competency of their electoral rivals’ core supporters can the Right be sure of not only making the gains they seek – but keeping them. Simply maintaining the economic and social status quo is never enough. To keep – let alone advance – the interests of their electoral base, right-wing parties must seize every opportunity to reduce the electoral heft of the Left’s.

This right-wing aggression presents social-democratic parties like Labour with a massive dilemma. To advance the interests of their electoral base it is necessary to advance the interests of New Zealand as a whole. Investing heavily in upgrading the nation’s infrastructure; stimulating employment growth; boosting Health and Education; building thousands of state houses and subsidizing private sector house construction: such measures benefit not only Labour’s voters, but also, thanks to their expansionary economic effects, National’s. The balance of political forces is not materially affected.

The only way for Labour to consolidate and increase its political advantage is by becoming as aggressive as its right-wing opponents. Providing decisive legislative support for the trade unions and intensifying the progressivity of the taxation system are the traditional methods for boosting the power of the lowest socio-economic groups. Unfortunately, any Labour Government attempting to implement such a programme in today’s political environment would instantly be identified as not only a deadly enemy of the National Party and its supporters, but also of the entire capitalist system.

Every weapon in the Right’s extensive arsenal would be deployed against such a government, leaving it with just two choices: submission, or revolution. Our present crop of Labour politicians made that choice a long time ago. Whatever else they may be, Labour’s Caucus are not revolutionaries!

English understands very well the degree to which Labour’s room for political manoeuvre has been circumscribed by the events of the past 30 years. It is what gives him the confidence to contemplate policies – such as his “social investment” programme – that will alter fundamentally the way the poor and disadvantaged are managed by the New Zealand State. That the Finance Minister’s changes are being made incrementally will in no way diminish their long-term impact.

English and his colleagues are also well aware of the impact their policies are having on the lowest socio-economic groups propensity to participate in the electoral process. Slashing and burning the lives of the poor has not, so far, caused them to mobilise politically (let alone electorally). On the contrary, the increasingly desperate character of their existence has made them easy prey for the three “A’s” of social dysfunction: Alienation, Apathy and Anomie.

None of this is acknowledged in English’s Budget Speech, nor, for the most part, in the analyses of the mainstream news media. The Finance Minister’s deception has, once again, proved highly successful. What’s more, his ruthless reduction in the real value of state spending over the past 8 years has, finally, provided him with a series of substantial budget surpluses. These are projected to be of sufficient size for English and Prime Minister Key to offer their core supporters meaningful tax cuts in 2018-19. Any ethical misgivings National’s supporters might be experiencing currently about the condition of the poor are unlikely to survive their Finance Minister’s election year munificence.

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