Ben Morgan’s Pacific Update: New Zealand hosts South Pacific Defence Ministers Meeting

Last week, New Zealand hosted the South Pacific Defence Ministers’ Meeting (SPDMM), a conference for defence leaders.  Ministers of Defence, Secretaries of Defence and Chiefs of Defence Force from New Zealand, Australia, Fiji, New Caledonia (French), Tonga, Chile and Papua New Guinea attended this year’s SPDMM. 

This meeting’s overall theme was “collectively looking to the future: our region in 2050” and discussion was focused on how participants can work together to adapt to the region’s rapidly evolving security challenges including geo-political competition in the region, climate change impacts or the trans-national drug trade.

The meeting provided an opportunity for defence leaders in the South Pacific to discuss current security challenges, and to ‘look ahead’ and plan to mitigate future risks. Although, the SPDMM is a forum for collaboration and networking, attendees also discussed their own operational activities. The participants confirming the importance of regional collaboration and their commitment to working together. A tangible outcome of this commitment is a new shared disaster response programme. The proposed Pacific Response Group will be a standing disaster response group able to assist members to respond effectively natural disasters and support each other. 

Another notable area focus was how to improve surveillance and control of the participants large maritime territories.  Essentially, working together to be improve situational awareness by sharing information and working together to identify and interpret threats. The conference requesting that the officials supporting it research current cooperation between members, identifying areas for improvement and opportunities to work together better. 

The conference has a nine-year history and is clearly evolving to consider changes in Pacific geo-politics. Notably the inclusion this year of observers from Japan, the US and the UK.  The inclusion of these nations is a clear indication of the South Pacific ’s diplomatic importance to these nations. The US, Japan, Australia and the UK are currently evolving into a powerful miliary partnership in the Pacific and their involvement in this meeting is another demonstration of this trend.

Recently, the range of military activity between these nations has increased with more exercises, conferences and even mutual deployments together conducting freedom of navigation patrols in the South China Sea, East China Sea and the Taiwan Strait. Attendance at the SPDMM is another indication of this trend, and of the increasing defence cooperation between these nations and their smaller South Pacific partners. 

It is likely that over time that the larger and more sophisticated militaries like the US, the UK, Australia, Japan and possibly New Zealand will become increasingly inter-operable or able to work together seamlessly, through arrangements like AUKUS. Forums like the SPDMM provide relationships that are a tool for integrating of collective security policy with smaller nations, that lack the technical capacity to becomes fully inter-operable with nations like the US.  However, the key to success is ensuring that even if these nations are not inter-operable in a miliary sense their voices are still heard in political discussion and their input into collective policy is meaningful. 

Therefore, it was noteworthy that Baron Waqa, Secretary-General of the Pacific Islands Forum attended, the first time this position has been represented at the SPDMM.  The inclusion of the Secretary-General of the Pacific Islands Forum at the SPDMM is an indication that this factor is being considered. His participation acknowledges the importance of the Pacific Islands Forum within the region’s security architecture. 

Busy times in Taiwan Strait

The Taiwan Strait continues to be a ‘hot spot’ in the Pacific. Although not supported by international law, China claims the Taiwan Strait as territorial waters. A claim that is regularly challenged by other nations exercising their right to free navigation of the high seas.  This right is guaranteed to all nations under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and underpins global maritime trade. 

In August, we discussed the German Navy’s plans to conduct a freedom of navigation patrol in the Strait of Taiwan.  On 13 September, the German frigate GFS Baden-Wuerttemberg, and a supporting supply ship GFS Frankfurt am Main conducted a ‘freedom of navigation’ patrol through the Taiwan Strait. 

Later that month, on 25 September a patrol consisting of Australian, Japanese and New Zealand warships transited the strait.  The group consisted of destroyers HMAS Sydney and JS Sazanami with New Zealand tanker HMNZS Aotearoa. This transit was an interesting demonstration of New Zealand’s evolving defence policy, the nation’s last transit was in 2017. It is an indication that New Zealand is reinvigorating its defence relationship with ally Australia.

Both transits were protested by the Chinese government and freedom of navigation remains an important theme in the Pacific’s security debate because in the South China Sea, East China Sea and in the Taiwan Strait, China claims large areas of ocean. China’s claims are unilateral declarations that are not internationally recognised, creating tension because some impinge on smaller nation’s Exclusive Economic Zones. For instance, parts of China’s claim in the South China Sea, are in areas recognised in UNCLOS as Philippines territorial waters.  

The US and other nations are also concerned because the areas claimed by China are important maritime trade routes. An enormous amount of maritime trade is transacted by ships crossing the South China Sea, roughly US $ 5 trillion per annum.  If this route is compromised the economic impacts on the global economy are potentially massive. Likewise, the Taiwan Strait and the East China Sea are also major trade routes that UNCLOS defines as ‘high seas’ and free to navigate.  Hence, trading nations use ‘freedom of navigation’ patrols to symbolically challenge China’s claims and exercise the right to use these areas of ocean. 

Australia and New Zealand embed senior officers in each other’s militaries 

Recently Australia and New Zealand announced that they would embed senior officers in each other’s joint force headquarters.  The agreement being that the second-in-command of each nation’s deployable military forces is appointed from their ally’s defence force. 

New Zealand Major-General Hugh Macaslan and Australian, Brigadier Michael Bassingthwaighthe were each appointed Deputy Joint Force Commander in their ally’s defence force.  In both militaries, the Joint Force Headquarters is responsible for managing operational deployments and exercises overseas.  The reciprocal agreement to appoint allied officers into important roles of this nature is a good indication that New Zealand and Australia are strengthening their defence relationship.

Reciprocal exchanges like this are used by militaries to build strong relationships, and to demonstrate trust.  Deputy commanders do not have significant executive authority but are intimately involved in day-to-day operations, the role is great position for building relationships with officers in the host country and for gaining insight into their partner’s capabilities.  

Chinese missile test in the Pacific

On 26 September, China tested a long-range ballistic missile that crossed Micronesia and landed in the sea near Kiribati.  Politicians from the Commonwealth of Northern Micronesia (CNMI), French Polynesia, the Pacific Islands Forum and New Zealand were quick to respond, and protests are expected to continue.

Testing a nuclear capable ballistic missile in the Pacific could be interpreted as a threatening action, especially since it is 44 years since China last conducted a similar test.  The missile arced across the Pacific and landed near Kiribati, a nation that is developing a closer relationship with China, and is now being asked if it approved the test. 

This test is significant because it demonstrated to the US, and to other Pacific nations, that China has the capability to hit targets throughout the region. Any ballistic missile that can reach Kiribati, could also hit US bases in Hawaii, Guam or Australia.  It is demonstration of military capability during a time of increased geopolitical tension, that is probably designed to remind other nations of China’s military power.

The test is interesting diplomatically because China has historically positioned itself in opposition to other nuclear powers that historically tested their weapons in the Pacific. American and French nuclear testing in the Pacific was widely condemned and is still a significant historic issue for Pacific nations.  Pacific security expert, Dr Anna Powles recently highlighted this point in an interview with Radio New Zealand pointing out that “China has criticised the US and France, for example, for having conducted testing in the Pacific. It really seems at odds on the one hand China’s narrative towards the Pacific and on the other hand these actions.” Pacific Islands Forum, Secretary General Baron Waqa also commented that the test was disappointing. 

Longer-term this test may backfire diplomatically on China, hardening the attitudes of smaller Pacific nations and undoing goodwill built up in the region by providing financial aid.  In larger nations, like Australia, Japan, Philippines and South Korea this test is likely to confirm existing concerns and encourage increased military investment. 

Melanesian update 

A regular update on the Pacific’s least reported trouble spot; Melanesia. 

Fiji Defence Force leader commits to ending ‘coup culture’  

Last week, the leader of Fiji’s military, Major-General Ratu Jone Kalouniwai committed to ending the nation’s coup culture. The general was speaking to senior military officers after the release from prison and pardoning of previous coup leaders.

This statement is very important, a key security issue in the South West Pacific  is weak governance, and Fiji has a history of military coups.  Statements like this from senior military leaders are vitally important because they challenge this history, and hopefully signal a changing perspective on military intervention.  

US-Fiji combined peacekeeping battalion

Far from the Pacific, in Sinai soldiers from Fiji and the US are planning to work together in a combined peacekeeping battalion, MFO Battalion South. The battalion is focussed on peacekeeping monitoring the Israel-Egypt border. 

It is an interesting development, the US and Fiji working together and creating an integrated battalion. Strategically, this will provide the US with strong networks and relationships within Fiji’s army as their soldiers rotate through the mission.  Further, it provides an opportunity for the US to upskill and develop Fiji’s ‘staff’ capabilities creating a basis for better inter-operability in future missions. ‘Staff’ is the military term for the teams of people that plan operations, it includes functions like interpretation of intelligence, logistics and planning. 

US provide $ 26 million to Papua New Guina ‘Peace Project’

US Aid recently announced a commitment of US $ 26 million to reduce violence in Papua New Guinea. The project will target youth, aiming to counter inter-tribal fighting and violence against women. This project is a good example of investment in ‘soft power,’ or using financial aid to address the root causes of local instability rather than investing in security interventions. 

Regular readers will be aware of Papua New Guinea’s issues with large-scale violence, inter-tribal wars, violent confrontations between mining companies and local communities or even criminal attacks, all of which undermine the rule of law and the integrity of state institutions. Investments like this may reduce levels of violence contributing to a more stable and secure nation.  

 

Ben Morgan is a bored Gen Xer, a former Officer in NZDF and TDBs Military Blogger – his work is on substack