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Why are so many NZ Whales beaching?

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In the last few weeks the news has been full of dead whales. We’ve had a pod of Pilot whales stranded in the Bay of Plenty. Before that two Cuvier’s Beaked whales, possibly mother and baby, were washed up at Maketu. A juvenile Humpback whale was washed up at Waikanae Beach. We’ve had dead rarities like Spectacled porpoises in separate incidents in Otago; a dead sperm whale and another rotten baleen whale, and today a Dwarf Sperm Whale, all washed up on the West Coast of Northland. Since February we’ve had at least 8 Orca deaths in two incidents, and other Pilot whales around the New Zealand coast. That’s a pretty grim tally and it’s not even counting cases where cause of death is known such as with the Bryde’s whale dead from ship strike, and countless smaller dolphins found dead or killed throughout the year.

Putting aside the propensity for Pilot Whales to strand in any circumstances, and the fact that we’re hearing about more live whales as well, the spate of unexplained whale deaths is leaving conservationists concerned. The head of Project Jonah now says we’ve got the highest rates of whale stranding in the world.

There’s speculation about the cause of death of all these much loved majestic animals, and pathology analysis usually fails to provide clear answers. Even when samples from dead animals are retrieved, refrigerating them damages evidence, impacts are hard to determine. Questions remain unanswered.

Explanations proposed by the concerned public include the obvious bogeyman of seismic testing – given that most of the country’s EEZ has now been opened up for oil, gas and mineral prospecting. Because many of the whales washed up dead are in poor condition, other theories include death from starvation caused by overfishing or ingesting plastic. Ship strike is sometimes suspected even if there’s not clear evidence. Sometimes the evidence is impossible to find, because of the state of decay in the animal concerned, or just the challenges performing a necropsy on a twenty tonne animal.

The Department of Conservation makes pathology reports available on their website, but they don’t tell us much. What we can know, is that there are massive pressures on our marine mammals. New Zealand has 34 of the World’s 76 cetaceans, but we know more about dead Cuvier’s Beaked whales than we do about the living.

Whale and dolphin tourism is directly worth about $120 million to the New Zealand economy. As inhabitants of Oceania ourselves, we Kiwis love the sea and love our marine mammals. We all have a stake, and collectively mourn the strandings of whales. A more pitiful and poignant sight cannot be found. Picture the images of everyday New Zealanders trying to refloat stranded whales as a reflection of our collective care.

Basically we don’t really know what’s up with the whales, but with the increase in stressors such as ocean noise, ship activity, pollution and heavy metals (NZ cetaceans have the highest concentrations of Persistent Organochlorine Contaminants in the world) life can’t be easy for them. Add overfishing and seismic testing and we have a real suite of potential threats.

Whales and dolphins have survived in the world’s waters for millions of years. But we already reduced some species to just hundreds of individuals. With the end of (most) whaling, they’ve had a chance to recover. 50% of the world’s species have been wiped out within the last 40 years. What hope is there for the whales amidst the perils of the Anthropocene?

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Cooking The Medical Books: Citizens suffer in stoical silence so National can keep taxes low.

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FUDGING THE FIGURES is what governments do when effective policy solutions are ruled off the table. According to Radio NZ News: “New research shows nearly 40 percent of patients who need hip and knee operations in at least two district health boards are not getting them because of budget restrictions. The study, published in The New Zealand Medical Journal, which looked at Northland and Hawke’s Bay, found the drive to cut wait times has left 36 percent of patients with moderate to severe pain and disability untreated.”

Clearly, the now retired National Party Health Minister, Tony Ryall, was unable to persuade his fellow “Brat Packer”, Bill English, to appropriate sufficient funds to keep our public health service up to the job of actually serving the public.

One doesn’t imagine that English, an essentially decent politician, was very happy about this. But with his colleagues demanding lower taxes for the wealthiest New Zealanders (and some modest covering reductions for the rest of us) he was left with little choice. It would require a Labour-led government of more than usual fortitude and radicalism to institute the fiscal reforms necessary to ready the New Zealand health system for the influx of ageing Baby Boomers steadily falling prey to all the ills that flesh is heir to.

Tony Ryall’s response to his increasingly underfunded health system was, however, ethically extremely radical. According to the study published in the New Zealand Medical Journal, he simply invisiblised upwards of a third of New Zealanders in need of non-urgent surgical interventions.

Chairman of the Canterbury Charity Hospital Trust, Christchurch surgeon, Philip Bagshaw, told Radio NZ that focusing on the length of time people were waiting, rather than the length of the waiting lists themselves, was “a great way of hiding the scale of the problem”.

“It’s become smoke and mirrors”, said Mr Bagshaw. “They’ve created a self-fulfilling prophecy, so they say the waiting list is only six or four months, but that’s because they only allow that many people onto the waiting list.”

Smoke and mirrors it may have been, but the practice permitted Tony Ryall to boast that the time spent waiting for elective surgery was steadily decreasing. According to Mr Bagshaw, haemorrhoids, cataracts, hernias and varicose veins – among a host of other debilitating conditions – are simply not being treated in the public system until such time as serious complications render them acute – and costly.

Allowing the condition of sufferers to deteriorate to the point where they are forced to seek emergency admission to public hospitals is, not surprisingly, a considerably more expensive proposition, long term, than providing treatment early. “Investing in health early on is not only humane but also makes good economic sense because to do things in a timely way is the cheapest way,” Mr Bagshaw confirmed. “If you deny people treatment … they come back later with bigger complications and cost more money.”

As scams go, however, this is a particularly clever one, because, obviously, not all of those sufferers rendered invisible will end up undergoing emergency surgery. Most will simply go on suffering, unheard and untreated.

In other words, the Government and its cash-strapped DHBs are relying upon the decency and stoicism of the average citizen to get them off the fiscal hook. Their deeply cynical – but apparently accurate – expectation has been that the voters will evince little interest in how Mr Ryall’s miracle is being achieved, just so long as the waiting period for elective surgery keeps decreasing. And so it proved. On Election Day, most people accepted without demur that John Key’s government was managing our public health system with considerable skill.

So, it’s ‘all good’ for the Government? Well, not necessarily. As the Baby Boomers find themselves relying more and more on the public health system, they are bound to flex their still massive demographic muscles to ensure that sufficient funding is appropriated to meet their growing needs. With everything to fight for in terms of free medical care, there is nothing to suggest that the ageing Boomers will not emulate the exemplary levels of electoral participation demonstrated by older voters generally. In securing their selfish health objectives, the Boomers will be aided by the short-sighted failure of so many young voters to participate in the electoral system.

The politicians of the future will respond to the medical demands of the Boomers in the way politicians always do when presented with a choice between serving the interests of citizens who vote and the needs of citizens who stay at home. If young New Zealanders want a viable public health system to still be in place when they reach their 60s and 70s, then they’d better start voting in the same proportions as their elders. Otherwise the health statistics being fudged will be their own.

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Train wreck of an interview

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Watch at 6.57 how much a train wreck this interview becomes on what is the high alter of finance, CNBC. The host seems to have no idea whatsoever of basic Irish history and geography.

Hat Tip Gordon Campbell

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MEDIA WATCH – Paora Maxwell, a liability.

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For some reason most staff at Māori TV didn’t want to work for their new CEO, Paora Maxwell. Apparently he has a reputation for being phenomenally rude to people. But despite unprecedented staff opposition, warnings from the outgoing CEO and the resignation of a MTS Board Member – Georgina Te Heuheu, Paora’s mate and Chair of the MTS Board, got him the job.

Hone Harawira warned that Paora would weaken Māori Television’s news and current affairs department and he was right. The department has been under attack from conservative Māori forces since it broke and pursued the Kōhanga Reo story. Māori Television has become NZ’s public service television broadcaster (filling the vacuum left by TVNZ) with an impressive amount of local programming, Maori programming and even non-Māori programming such as international documentaries and feature films. They even took Russell Brown’s Media 7 franchise to form Media Take.

Paora Maxwell supports government coalition partner, the Māori Party, and not surprisingly within a few months of entering the building, the two most well-known ‘liberal’ voices had been made redundant – Carol Hirshfeld and Julian Wilcox. The sheer magnitude of this loss of experience and talent is huge, and as so many people warned and feared, it suggests that Paora is looking to move things to the right within Māori Television.

An even more disturbing action emerged last week when Hone claimed his invitation to appear on the live final of Native Affairs had been revoked by the CEO, Paora Maxwell himself.

It would be shockingly unethical for a CEO to get involved in editorial decisions on the flagship current affairs show, and if it’s true it marks a new low. Hone has emails showing the withdrawn invite, and claims to being told in he was a persona non grata. That’s been confirmed to me personally by one of the Native Affairs staff – Paora put the kybosh on Hone appearing alongside Tau Henare and Dover Samuels. My contact reckons it’s because Hone criticised Paora’s appointment as CEO.

Tau Henare had something to say about it during the actual programme, “You know Hone was asked onto this programme and then they said he couldn’t come on”

The Māori TV presenter tries to shut him down, but later he piped up again “You haven’t answered the question about Hone though”.

Awkward for the programme producers. But they still showed some spine by dedicating the last 15 minutes to the departing Julian Wilcox.

We watch with nervous dread that Native Affairs becomes just another magazine show.

 

Nicole Williams is a Coalition for Better Broadcasting Member

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Supporting our Elders and Youngers

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On Sunday I participated in Radio NZ’s ‘NZ2030’ Sunday Morning feature. In the twitter feed I got one very negative comment, and one quite positive.

Keith Rankin is batshit crazy. My generation not going to sacrifice lifestyle to subsidize asset rich boomers.

 

Bravo Keith Rankin!  1st sensible thing I’ve heard from an economist for decades!

I would like to think there was a range of comments in between, but that was it basically. (The programme competed with the All Blacks.) The young panellists were not very positive to my view. To them, it would seem, universal welfare makes about as much sense as travelling to the moon and back. Something loopy from the 1960s.

My approach to the issue is to emphasise the economic view which is completely different from the financial view. (The guy who thinks I’m crazy is very much a person who earns his living in the finance sector, and has a definite ‘money is wealth’ view of the world that’s associated with the finance industry; a view diametrically opposite from the ‘goods and services’ as wealth view held by economists.)

(In relation to the supportive tweet – thankyou – I would note that many economists wear more than one hat, which is why some economists sometimes sound like their finance-sector employers.)

The financial view is that money is like acorns or jars of preserved fruit, and that saving for retirement is akin to creating a stash or hoard of money that can be drawn down in old age, much like drawing on that stash when you are too decrepit to continue gathering and preserving. (This concept of work is akin to the gathering of acorns or fruit, and the concept of saving is of putting aside some of those acorns ‘for the future’ or of preserving some of that fruit.) In the financial view, those stashes are our wealth.

The economic view is that we have resources, one of which is paid labour, which are employed to produce the goods and services that constitute our economic wealth. The resource of paid labour –we tend to emphasise paid over unpaid labour – is for the most part drawn from a ‘labour force’ that is itself drawn from a segment of the population that we call ‘working-age’.

The International Labour Organisation’s definition of working age is 15+, end of story. Thus, officially, a 111-year-old is of working age. For practical policy concerns however, we tend to start at the school leaving age (now 16, formerly 15) and finish at the age of entitlement to a public pension, or the age of entitlement to draw on a retirement fund such as Kiwi-Saver (65).

For historical analysis, going back to 1938, we can think of 15 to 65 as ‘working age’. However age the boundaries have become increasingly fuzzy. Some people don’t enter the fulltime labour force until their mid-twenties. And retirement is better thought of as a phased process that occurs when people are aged between 60 and 70. Thus the labour force is really a very elastic resource, even more so, historically, when we consider gender as well as age.

 

Precedents

In the 1960s and 1970s, the most elastic variable in the labour force was gender. Now it is age. Thanks to this elasticity, the labour force will cope with the demands placed on it, unless today’s young become structurally unemployed, as many of them are in Europe. Universal pensions at 65 enhance that elasticity, by not penalising older people who would rather be productive outside the paid workforce than within it, but may be encouraged to participate in paid work by not facing prohibitive effective marginal tax rates. My maternal grandfather, a railway worker, was pensioned off during the Great Depression when he was in his late 40s. He was subsequently re-employed and worked until he was over 70, while also receiving universal superannuation, the precedent of New Zealand Superannuation.

In the 1950s and 1960s New Zealand had a dependency ratio far higher than in any era that preceded it, and somewhat higher than what New Zealand will face in the 2030s, even if our life expectancy continues to rise in the face of inequality and ineffective antibiotics. (Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett’s work suggests that increasing inequality will be associated with increased premature mortality. Everything that I see tells me that inequality will get worse before it gets better.)

In 1956 the baby boomers of the 1870s and 1880s were aged 65-85. I have strong memories of great‑aunts and great uncles born in the 1880s. There were many others from that generation who I never met, on other sides of the family, who were very much alive in 1956. (Indeed the sprightly but really old dude I remember at the top of Ocean Road in Paekakariki I understand was born in the late 1860s.)

In 1956 the post-war baby-boom was at its peak. As well as old people, New Zealand had Humber-loads-full of children, working dads, and very much fulltime (unpaid) mums.

There was also another group of pensioners: war pensioners. The main group of men and women who served in World War 1 were born in the early 1890s. In 1956 the survivors, including those who never fully recovered, were aged 60-65, still a working age cohort. Then there was the WW2 generation, which sustained losses of men, and of many women who went to America.

There was also an unusually small generation born in the early 1930s, the years of the Great Depression. Many children were not conceived then; others were aborted. Others suffered from poverty-associated life-long conditions such as rheumatic fever.

In terms of our concerns today, the demographics of New Zealand in the 1950s and 1960s were as close as you could get to a ‘perfect storm’. And, yes, in the late 1930s there were debates about the coming demographic problem. But with World War Two, more pressing worries took hold. (The next demographic perfect storm will be China in 2040! That’s where Filipino nurses and age-care workers will go then.)

Looking back, do we see the 1950s and 1960s as an era of economic crisis that we just struggled through? Hardly. On the contrary, not only did we support all our dependents with a dignity that was the antithesis of the humiliations many faced in the early 1930s, we also constructed much of the public infrastructure that we still depend upon today. The secret of the 1950s and 1960s was that our young men were fully employed and valued, and those young men then continued to be productive throughout their working lives. (In 1966, young wen’s wages were nearly as high as their fathers’; a little remarked upon historical oddity.) Then they – sometimes known as the ‘builders’ who preceded the ‘boomers’ – retired in their sixties, along with their wives who re-entered the labour force while in their forties (after brief stints of paid work before marriage). In their early retirements they manned and womened the not-for-profit sector; a sector that remains a critical (if creaking) part of our social infrastructure.

Nobody is suggesting that we seek to recreate a carbon-copy of the 1950s. But if we think about the achievements of the labour force during that perfect storm, we must look back in wonder; we must wonder what on earth we are worried about today. (We might note that Japan in the 2010s is already in the state we expect to be in in the late 2020s. It has perhaps the most equal distribution of income in the world, it has public debt at 230% of GDP [compared to our puny 36%], an AA credit-rating like us, and all sorts of public infrastructure projects on the go. It’s a modern post-industrial society; not a basket-case.)

Today’s ‘debate’ is not really about the 2030s. It’s about justifying and extending today’s neoliberal practices that created the immense inequalities of income and financial wealth that we now ‘enjoy’. (Refer to Fred Hirsch’s 1977 book, The Social Limits to Growth, to understand much about today.)

 

References for an earlier blog on Labour’s Superannuation policy, and for Radio New Zealand:

https://thedailyblog.co.nz/2014/08/29/labour-and-new-zealand-superannuation/

http://www.radionz.co.nz/national/programmes/sunday/audio/20155618/nz-2030-a-panel-discussion

http://thewireless.co.nz/themes/change/saving-for-the-silver-tsunami

 

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Continuing crisis is the nature of capitalism

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(This blog has been edited for clarity on November 11, 2014. The new version was also published on the Unite Union  blog.)

The decision of the US Federal Reserve to end its programme of “Quantitative Easing” signals a desire for a return to monetary “normalcy” in capitalist policy circles. The announcement was made on October 29, the anniversary of the 1929 crash on Wall Street—triggered by a previous series of monetary tightening measures by the U.S. central bank that ushered in the Great Depression of the 1930s.

But the world capitalist economy today stands at a critical juncture that is far from normal.

Stagnation is the order of the day across Europe. Output remains two percent below the peak reached in 2008 before the financial crisis and great world recession. Investment remains 15 percent below 2008 levels. The European central banks and governments are now instituting their own forms of monetary loosening after years of austerity in an attempt to jump-start the economy and escape a deflationary spiral. A similar picture exists in Japan.

A classic crisis of overproduction

The world economic crisis of 2007-09, a classical capitalist crisis of overproduction, was by far the worst since the crisis 1929-32. Like all such crises it was preceded by an explosive growth in credit as the capitalists sought to escape the basic laws of economics and produce more commodities than the market could absorb. But in the end, interest and principal must be paid and when it cannot interest rates rise, the bubble bursts, credit contracts and the economy enters a new recession. Capitalism has had this process repeat itself regularly for nearly 200 years, and yet the pro-business economists and media commentators always seem surprised.

Before the latest recession, the US economy had benefited from the Asian financial crisis starting in 1997, which saw a flow of funds to the US that pushed interest rates down to near-record lows. This fuelled the credit expansion in the U.S. and other imperialist countries even more dramatically than would have been possible otherwise. Those funds fed the series of economic bubbles that preceded the great crash—for tech stocks, the share market more broadly and finally housing. The collapse of the housing bubble threatened to bring down a number of large banks and financial institutions and a collapse of the banking system itself. The overproduction crisis was revealed for all the world to see. There were simply too many houses, cars, and other commodities to be sold—too many to be sold at a profit, not too many in terms of human needs.

The major capitalist countries were forced to spend trillions of dollars, euros and so forth to save the banks and other financial institutions from collapse.

The Fed’s electronic printing press

Quantitative easing for the US was essentially the electronic equivalent of printing by the US Federal Reserve of some $3.5 trillion over the last six years to purchase government and mortgage bonds. This unprecedented measure was designed to achieve two main objectives. The first was to shore up threatened financial institutions and prevent a further downwards spiral of the economy. That was achieved. But the continuation of quantitative easing after that point to try and force feed the economy to grow faster does not appear to have been much of a success. Growth has remained sluggish.

Because it possesses the only truly world reserve currency (and backs up the dollar with a military budget equalling everyone else in the world combined), the US is in a privileged position compared to other countries. When dollars were badly needed as means of payment during the 2008 panic, the US was able to print them on an unprecedented scale without a disastrous inflationary devaluation. In fact, initially the dollar actually gained in value.

The European banks and governments don’t have this privilege. Rescuing their banks required expanding already large budget deficits, and those deficits had to be financed with bonds issued and sold. This was the origin of the so-called “sovereign debt crisis” that hit European countries when hedge funds and other money capitalists who buy these bonds demanded ever higher interest rates to matched the perceived risk.

The tyranny of the bond market

Through the sky-high interest demanded, the bond market was in effect insisting that these governments impose austerity programmes of cuts to basic social services, layoffs of government workers and cuts in their pensions if the governments wanted ever again to earn the right to borrow at “normal” interest rates from these vultures.

From the capitalists’ perspective, they have achieved their goal. Every government imposed austerity and so has been rewarded with sharply lower interest rates, except for Greece, where the interest rate has fallen but is still at an unsustainable (in view of tax revenues) 7.6%. However, the huge state debts that are a legacy of the costs of the bank bailouts that many European countries are now saddled with mean that when the next crisis hits they will be in an even weaker position in the face of demands of the “bond market”.

The threat of deflation

The economic consequences of years of austerity in Europe are now threatening to throw these economies into a deflationary spiral and renewed recession even before escaping the last one. Currently, Europe and Japan are trying to defeat the deflationary pressures by easing credit conditions and taking other stimulatory measures. This has the perverse effect of exporting the deflationary pressures to the US. The “stimulatory” measures are seen as undermining the currencies, causing capitalists to move their money to the US, viewed as the safest haven in troubled times.

This raises the “value” of the US dollar in gold terms (dollar price of gold falls) while inflating dollar-denominated assets like stocks and bonds, which are being bought by the foreign money capitalists, other investors, and corporations buying back their own shares. The flight into the dollar has a destabilising impact on the US (and world) economy which is certain to be amplified by the end of the Federal Reserve’s quantitative easing.

The rise in the dollar’s value against both the Euro and gold, combined with the slowdown in China and stagnation in Europe and Japan has produced a major decline in commodity prices. New Zealand capitalism feels this most keenly in dairy prices. But the Reuters/Jeffries index of overall primary commodity prices, almost entirely denominated in dollars, has dropped over 40% since 2008.

The industrial cycle

The US economy has got through the worst—crisis—phase of the industrial cycle, in which capitalist profits fall sharply or turn into losses, production is sharply cut back, and unemployment soars. The “depression/stagnation phase” that followed the crisis has given way to a phase of what Marx called “average prosperity”. A new “boom” can take hold only after more “excess capacity” is eliminated and a new wave of accelerated investment in productive capacity gets underway.

A period of depression/stagnation is a necessary phase of the industrial cycle. Given the fact that the crisis is ultimately a crisis of overproduction, before capitalist profitability can recover the overproduction must be eliminated if conditions favorable for the realisation of surplus value contained in commodities is to be restored. In the first place, that means eliminating accumulated inventories.

But real progress comes when new investment in factories, mines and other means of production once again becomes profitable. At that point industrial corporations and the banks will say it is time to start investing/lending all this money they have been accumulating over the stagnation/depression phase of the cycle or be left behind. At that point production will inevitably race ahead of the more slowly growing market. Credit will be expanded, but as that expansion reaches its limits not all commodities will be able to be sold at a profit. The boom will turn into a bust. If the usual 10-year cycle holds this time, then the next recession can be expected around 2017, give or take a year or so.

The threat of inflation

However, here we come to another risk in the system. The banks have accumulated trillions of dollars in reserves as a result of quantitative easing. The banks have also been encouraged to hold on to their excess reserves through the decision by the Fed to pay 0.25% interest on those reserves. After coming close to total collapse when the housing bubble burst, the banks have also greatly tightened lending standards on their own, at least for the time being.

Industrial and commercial corporations also hoarded funds during the depression/stagnation phase of the cycle. If they and the banks were to suddenly become bullish about the economy and draw all those accumulated funds into circulation through productive investment and lending, an inflationary explosion will likely ensue. The last time such an explosion in the US occurred, in the 1970s, the Federal Reserve under Paul Volcker was forced to raise interest rates radically to break the resulting inflation and threatened collapse of the dollar. Dubbed the “Volcker Shock”, the Fed cranked up the rate for inter bank loans—currently between 0% and 0.25%—to an astronomical 20%.

The current flight out of the euro, yen and other currencies into the dollar and resulting low interest rates could again lead to new bubbles that burst and a new crash that threatens the banking system as a whole like happened in the 2000s after the Asian crisis.

Other risks abound. The Ebola crisis could get out of hand with negative economic and social consequences. Attempts to impose a US-led order in the Mid-East–the world’s main oil spigot—have brought only more and broader disorder.

Next cyclical downturn

Working people of the world are the inevitable victims of the continuing instability and crises that plague the capitalist mode of production. In the best-case scenario, the world will be entering a new world cyclical downturn around 2017 without experiencing a robust recovery.

The “recovery” in some capitalist countries like the US and New Zealand has enriched the 1%, while wages and salaries for most everyone else have stagnated. The feeble recovery in Europe and Japan could collapse into a double- or triple-dip recession. New stock and bond market bubbles are growing in the U.S that will inevitably burst. If the current US expansion gains real traction, the Fed will soon face a depreciating dollar and resulting inflationary pressures forcing interest rates hikes that could bring the current expansion to an end even sooner than 2017.

This is the future capitalism has in store. It is a system that must be replaced. That is the task of the working class leading the oppressed of the world; we are the ones who have no stake in its continuation.

 

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The #Reeferendum Train Has No Brakes

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Earlier this week, the US went to the polls for its Mid-Term electoral season.

As generally seems to be the case, something disappointing happened.

But it was not everywhere a tale of doom and gloom.

In three US polities – Washington DCOregon, and Alaska – cannabis legalization measures have passed the ballot (although a medical marijuana bill in Florida failed, despite a majority of voters in that state backing it). This is pretty significant, as it brings up to five the number of US states (yes, I know DC isn’t a state) wherein a clear majority of voters have *democratically* amended their territory/state’s cannabis legislation.

I shall repeat that once again for some of the slower stoners and anti-drug advocates in the audience: people *can* and *will* vote for sensible drug laws – even if their democratically elected representatives won’t.

We’ve already seen this happen two years ago in each of Washington and Colorado – interestingly, given what occurred Tuesdaythe same year that a previous stab at full legalization failed to pass the ballot in Oregon.

Now, to be fair – it’s not especially helpful just to conclude that if you invest the people with the power then more progressive drug laws naturally and inevitably follow.

In each of these states, there was a complex historical legislative environment and consequent popular engagement or eschewment that helped to produce Tuesday’s results.

Alaska, for instance, despite its reputation as a breeder of … somewhat eccentric Vice Presidential hopefuls, and its two previous failed stabs at legalization (one in 2000, another in 2004) … actually turns out to have quite an extensive history of progressive drug legislation. It’s had medicinal marijuana since 1998; while weed was effectively ruled legal for personal use due to a slightly heterodox judicial interpretation of the state’s constitutional right to privacy in a 1975 Alaskan Supreme Court decision. Amusingly, this created a situation wherein despite the 1991 voter-sponsored ballot measure to *recriminalize* marijuana, and successive Gubernatorial interventions along the same lines … the state’s constitution was *still* held to protect personal possession of under four ounces.

You will not hear me say this again … but sometimes I quite like me *some* quasi-libertarian values.

There’s a similar budding history of reform efforts in the state of Oregon, with the state passing a decriminalization law in 1973 (apparently as the direct result of the Nixon Administration … I’m surprised, too), voters endorsing medicinal marijuana in 1998, and a previous stab at a referendum to deliver full legalization in 2012 – which was defeated. This was followed up in 2013 by the state legislature undertaking to ameliorate the criminal penalties applied to weed-smokers, as well as legalizing medicinal dispensaries.

Predictably, things then get a little crazy when we hit Washington D.C. (It’s *literally* because of all the politicians)

Here, there’s not one … but *two* sets of elected-reps-in-suits that can potentially make things interesting for reform efforts (potentially because the DEA would look a little silly enforcing cannabis prohibition everywhere *else* in the Union … while having to turn a blind eye to legalized weed being rolled within line-of-sight to the White House).

This has created a nonsensical situation wherein one set of elected officials (the D.C. Council) votes *for* reform measures (in the most recent case, decriminalization of weed and treating possession as a $25-a-pop misdemeanor charge akin to a traffic ticket) … while a Republican-dominated Congress (which controls the funding for D.C.’s police force and what not) jumps up and down and threatens to deny funding to D.C.’s state services if they don’t back down and keep weed illegal.

Amusingly, the last time this transpired, back in May of this year, those self-same Republicans nearly wound up accidentally de-facto legalizing weed in D.C.. What happened was shortly after the D.C. Council voted 10-1 to push ahead with decriminalization; House Republicans countered with a bill to de-fund the D.C. decriminalization measure.

This was a pretty breathtaking example of spiteful legislative stupidity from the Republicans, however, as the only bit of D.C.’s decriminalization law that *actually required funding* was the enforcement part. (Eliminating criminal penalties, you see, is as simple as the stroke of a pen, and doesn’t cost a cent)

So by moving to block law reform efforts that would have resulted in decriminalization of weed, Republicans effectively sought to stop any D.C. policeman from *enforcing* the penalties that still existed even under a decriminalized setup – thus creating de facto legalization through lack of any actual penalty for possession or public use.

Clearly, in this situation the stoners weren’t the ones with their rationality and senses impaired; and a few months later sanity prevailed with voters themselves endorsing a move to full legalization at the ballot.

Hopefully we don’t see a repeat of what happened the last time a clear majority of D.C. voters (nearly 69%) backed a marijuana law reform measure in a referendum, though. Because in that instance, Congress successfully managed to block the implementation of D.C.’s medicinal marijuana dispensary laws for an incredible *TWELVE YEARS* before finally relenting and giving in to democracy.

Bringing it back to our home context, the lessons for New Zealand marijuana law reform advocates from all of this should be clear:

In most of these US jurisdictions, there’s been a long history of efforts at reform. Oregon, for instance, took somewhere in the area of 40 years to make the transition from decriminalization through to its present legalization status. There’s also often a litany of failed and flawed attempts at reform along the way – as demonstrated by Oregon’s 2012 referendum failure, various happenings in Washington D.C., as well as Alaska’s democratically successful 1991 ballot measure to recriminalize. This shows that law reform and the swaying and mobilization of popular opinion necessary for same to occur only take place as the result of a considerable considerable investment of time, energy, effort and patience on the part of concerned citizens and activists.

But it does take place – and as a result, despite big, big money, scaremongering, and the involvement of some of the largest and most powerful arms of state that the US Federal government can bring to bear (ok, well Congress, at any rate) … full-blown legalization reform efforts have now triumphed in nearly one tenth of the states of the Union.

With deference to the D.C. experience, they’ve *even* been able to triumph over the top of some pretty fierce and vindictive opposition from federal-level elected decision makers. This, to me, speaks to the power inherent in direct-democratic efforts at changing laws – even and particularly in situations wherein there appears to be a palpable gap between the sentiments of the polis and the actions and ideas of our elected policy-elite.

It really does put one in the mind of that famous Gandhi quote – “First they ignore you; then they laugh at you; then they fight you; then you win.”

In any case … if you’re a New Zealander casting about for a political party that’s down with the #Reeferendum vibe to consider entrusting your vote to come 2017 … look no further than New Zealand First.

Because on this matter – as with so many others – we believe in listening to the people.

Even if they *are* communicating with smoke-signals.

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Risk and Resilience: Introducing John Key’s “Free Thinkers”.

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FREE THINKERS! Wow! How very different this National Government is from its predecessors? Can anybody imagine Rob Muldoon appointing a group of “free thinkers” to help him identify the potential security risks confronting New Zealand in the 1980s? Crikey! Imagine what a group of “free thinkers” might have been able to do in relation to the Springbok Tour of 1981. I’ve said it once, and I’ll say it again: this is a National Government like no other!

So, who are these free thinking New Zealanders? And what mix of talent and experience has Prime Minister Key assembled among the ten members of his new Strategic Risk and Resilience Panel (SRRP). If the Panel’s main function is to “imagine the unimaginable” and to inform the Government of all the things that it doesn’t know it doesn’t know, then let’s take a look at what they bring to the table?

Let’s start at the top with Ian Fletcher, currently the head of the Government Communications Security Bureau (GCSB). I must confess that the man responsible for maintaining the security of government communications would not have been my first choice in the free thinking stakes. Indeed, the less free such a person is with his thoughts about such matters the better – I would have thought. But, maybe the PM knows something about Mr Fletcher’s job that the rest of have yet to be told?

Then there’s Sir Peter Gluckman, the Prime Minister’s Science Advisor. This looks like a better choice – although, Sir Peter’s association with what some are calling an exercise in muzzling the Government’s scientist critics – people like Mike Joy – does rather militate against freedom of thought. Doesn’t it?

What about Therese Walsh? Well, as the Chief Executive of the 2015 Cricket World Cup, she clearly knows a great deal about the organisation of sports fixtures. Exactly how that knowledge might usefully contribute to “imagining the unimaginable” isn’t immediately obvious. Perhaps she’s learned the knack of envisaging what the rest of us simply can’t imagine: a consistently good New Zealand cricket team! That really would be a boost to our national security!

Karen Poutasi, head of the NZ Qualifications Authority, was obviously chosen to improve the quality of the nation’s spies. Who could question her ability to imagine a new and improved iteration of the New Zealand SIS agent? One whose culinary sights are set slightly higher than the ordinary meat pie, and for whom the contents of Penthouse magazine holds not the slightest interest.

And who better than Keith Turner, the chairman of Fisher & Paykel, to anticipate the dastardly plans of Islamic State engineers to adapt the electronics of his firm’s washing machines to some devastating new purpose? The potential threat to the nation’s delicates and coloureds is huge. There would be terror in every laundry; mayhem on every clothesline! Isis meets Elba is just too awful to contemplate.

Now, as everybody who watches Boardwalk Empire knows, Al Capone was eventually brought down not by a Thompson sub-machine gun, but by the ineluctable laws of double-entry book-keeping. In this respect, panel member, Richard Forgan, from the global accounting firm PWC, clearly has much to contribute. Perhaps he’ll be able to bring down the Islamic State for tax evasion?

Lieutenant-General Rhys Jones, the former head of the NZ Defence Force, is already very good an imagining the unimaginable. He was, after all, able to imagine that New Zealand’s award-winning war correspondent, Jon Stephenson, might be foolish enough to jeopardise his international reputation by claiming he had been somewhere he hadn’t, and met someone he didn’t. That Lt-General Jones wasn’t able to go on imagining such nonsense indefinitely might be considered a weakness. But at least he has proved that imagining things that never happened is a crucial element of the NZDF’s skill-set – one that Lt-General Jones is now very well placed to pass on to his colleagues on the SRRP.

Helen Anderson is a director of Niwa, Branz and DNZ. In a world as festooned with abbreviations and acronyms as the “intelligence community” she should fit right in. Keeping one’s thinking free of unnecessary words and phrases can only improve the SRRP’s (which Ms Anderson must surely be referring to already as “Syrup’s”?) overall effectiveness and efficiency.

Speaking of which, one can only applaud John Key’s appointment of Productivity Commission chairman, Murray Sherwin to Syrup’s distinguished membership. Ensuring that New Zealand gets more national security ‘bangs’ for fewer Treasury ‘bucks’ can only be a good thing. Can’t it?

So, there you have them. The Prime Minister’s free-thinking panel. Those of you who are disappointed that the SRRP does not include people like ‘New Zealander of the Year’, Dame Anne Salmond; investigative journalist, Nicky Hager; former Court of Appeal Justice, Sir Edmund Thomas; TPPA opponent, Professor Kane Kelsey; or that other tireless campaigner for our national sovereignty, CAFCA’s Murray Horton; must understand that when John Key talks about “free thinkers”, he is not talking about thinkers with a proven commitment to keeping us free.

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YES – it really DOES matter that you turn out this Saturday for the International Day of Action against the TPPA!

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There is a mythology that the TPPA will never happen. That is a reckless assumption. It encourages complacency and inaction. And it is seriously wrong.

The political leaders of the twelve countries know they have to do the deal soon or it will become paralysed.

That won’t happen when the trade ministers meet on 8th November in Beijing on the margins of APEC.  But it could happen within a couple of months. No one should doubt how serious they are.

That was obvious at the ministerial meeting ten days ago in Sydney.

The pressure on the negotiators in the handful of remaining sensitive chapters is intense, as if they have instructions to finish their technical work so the ministers can finalise the deal.

What has been saving us all is the continued standoff between the US and Japan over agriculture and automobiles.

That could continue to save us. But don’t bet on it.

There are mixed views about what the Republican victory in Tuesday’s mid-term Congressional elections in the US will mean. It is already being spun to say that Republicans are pro-free trade and will be better for the TPPA, so they may give Obama fast track authority to ease the TPPA through Congress. That would reassure the other governments at the table and encourage them to finalise the deal.

Those who are tracking developments in Congress, such as Lori Wallach from Public Citizen, disagree. There is a real hatred of Obama in some Republican circles, and the price for fast track would be hugely controversial, such as rules on so-called currency manipulation, which some countries couldn’t agree to.

On the Japan side, it is unclear how the political scandals in the Abe government might affect the shape of a final deal with the US on agriculture and automobiles. Abe also has a controversial tax change to steer through the Diet in the next few months that will use up a lot of his scarce political capital.

Despite these factors, both the US and Japan need an outcome. Soon. They could well do a pragmatic deal that works for them, and let the dominos fall.

I can see four scenarios.

Scenario one:  The US and Japan decide to play by the supposed rules of November 2011 and liberalise everything for everyone. And flocks of flying pigs will fill the skies over the twelve countries.

Scenario two: The US and Japan cannot reach agreement on agriculture. Everything remains stalled. After some time – who knows how long – they stop pretending and suspend negotiations.

They know that once they do that, the momentum is almost impossible to regain. The Doha round at the World Trade Organization started in 2001, was suspended in 2007, then restarted but no-one would know! In this scenario, expect the TPPA to drag on with no one willing to pull the plug.

Scenario three: The US and Japan reach a deal on agriculture and automobiles, and offer virtually nothing to everyone else. That is consistent with what Japan reportedly offered to New Zealand on dairy in Sydney. Canada will happily follow suit, hiding behind the US and Japan. Faced with this, Groser can’t bring himself to walk away, swallows the rat, accepts what’s on offer and agrees to trade-off our medicines, internet, investment, SOEs, etc.

Scenario four:  Groser does what he has threatened to do, and walks away because there is no meaningful liberalisation on agriculture. More flocks of pigs join their whanau in scenario 1.

The agriculture lobby is terrified because they know the third option is the most likely. That saw them at panic stations last week with a series of statements from Federated Farmers, the dairy lobby, Groser and sympathetic journalists insisting that New Zealand must be prepared to walk away from a lousy deal.

Groser will never walk away. He views the TPPA deal as his brainchild. He will spin whatever is in the final deal as the first step to something that will bring huge long-term benefits to New Zealand. ‘We can’t afford not to be part of the biggest deal between the world’s biggest trading powers … ‘

If he is clever – and he is – Groser could seek to defer implementation of the worst parts of the TPPA so the impacts are delayed. Better still, if Parliament didn’t have to change the law immediately, the US would be unable to hold New Zealand to ransom over compliance (the blackmail process known as ‘certification’).

Then Groser can say, ‘see, the scaremongering about the TPPA was a big beat up.’ By the time the impacts are felt, his role as the minister who negotiated the TPPA (and hopefully the National government) will be history.

This could well happen unless we turn up the heat, on and after Saturday.

Defeatists will say that taking to the streets won’t make any difference. But activists in Australia, Japan, Malaysia and the US will be doing the same. The collective pressure does matter. The other governments are nervous about who can deliver on what they are promising, especially when it is unpopular at home.

It is a hell of a lot easier to stop the TPPA being concluded than trying to prevent it coming into force after the deal has been signed. This is the time to ram that message home, not just to the government, but to the opposition parties as well – including the prospective Labour leaders whom I have yet to see stake a position on the TPPA.

So see you Saturday in AucklandHamiltonRaglanTaurangaRotoruaNew PlymouthNapier,Palmerston NorthLevinWellingtonNelsonChristchurchTimaruDunedinInvercargill.  Details onitsourfuture.org.nz.

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John Key’s amazing magical ‘behind the wire’ forcefield

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Is Oceania at war with Eastasia before our war in Eurasia is over?

‘behind the wire’ is a magical forcefield from La-la land where bullets bounce away effortlessly while NZ soldiers teach Iraqi’s to march. It’s the phrase that the embedded journalists have quickly picked up and breathlessly given NZers as a means to deflect any suggestion that we are going to war.

We won’t really be going to war, we will be ‘behind the wire’. For a country enamoured with its own Number 8 wire romanticised mythology, ‘behind the wire’ conjures up nobility and doing ones bit with the little we have. It’s not selecting targets for America’s Drone War which have killed a civilian per day since it began, it’s not the SAS conducting intelligence which can allow them to shot first and ask questions latter, oh no, it’s just some behind the scenes ‘behind the wire’ role devoid of any responsibility or obligations.

Meanwhile at home, because of this ‘raining carnage’ by ISIS, the Secret Intelligence Service suddenly need the ability to spy on you in your house for 48 hours without a warrant. Seeing the utter contempt that Key admitted using towards the OIA procedures, these extraordinary powers to spy for 48 hours without a warrant will immediately become the norm not the exception.

Watch and see the things that the SIS can conclude as a national security risk now. Environmentalists will be the next on the list.

These are the darkest powers of the darkest part of the State, and we are allowing it to pass based on some simple button pushing of the terrorist bogeyman. There is no need for these extra powers, the police and the GCSB already have enormous unchecked scope given to them by the vast new powers Key has granted our security services every time they get caught illegally spying.

Giving even more unchecked powers to the SIS is 5 eyes too far.

I haven’t used a Star Wars reference in this blog yet, so to paraphrase Padmé Amidala, “This is how liberty dies in NZ–casually around a BBQ.”

None of us are made safer by this.

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The Great SIS fishing expedition begins

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And so the great SIS fishing expedition begins.

The scare tactics for ISIS was to allow for even more surveillance laws.

Our forces will go to Iraq to blah blah blah and they won’t blah blah blah. The loophole to all of Key’s weasel words is that if innocent  civilians are threatened are forces can engage, so that loophole can be played out any way the NZDF thinks it can get away with.

America gets its pretence of international support for their war on ISIS, our Army get to adventure around and justify their existence and the Government get a new toy for the SIS to spy on a suspect for 48 hours without a warrant.

Seeing the contempt Key admittedly treats OIAs, the speed with which these 48 hour warrantless spying becomes the norm should surprise no one. The extreme will become the minimum and what the SIS will embark upon are vast fishing expeditions to spy on people over 48 hours to just see what they can catch.

How the hell warrantless spying of you in your bedroom makes any of us safer hasn’t been explained. No amount of ‘if-you-have-nothing-to-hide-you-have-nothing-to-fear’ justifies a weekend of filming you in your lounge when you think you are alone.  This is a gross intrusion of the State right into our homes based on a manufactured threat.

Seeing as the new team Key has put together to advise him on emerging terror threats have such a loud business voice on it, environmentalists will quickly become the target of these new spying powers.

This is the politics of fear and it is an erosion of our civil liberties for corporate rights.

Key pushed the terrorist button and he’s gotten the frightened agreement.

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SIS get powers to spy in your house because 80 people like ISIS

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The fear machine has worked. Apparently 80 people like ISIS in NZ so this means the SIS need new surveillance powers to spy on you in your house for 48 hours without a warrant.

How the hell does that make any of us safer?

When you consider the extraordinary powers of search and surveillance this Government has already handed over to the Police for their illegal spying in the Urewera ‘terror’ case and the extraordinary increase of mass surveillance powers Key has granted the GCSB (because they had illegally spied on 88 NZers), why the SIS all of a sudden need warrantless home video powers is a question we won’t get answered in the rush to ram these laws through Parliament.

Seeing as David Shearer secretly met with Key and promised to do a deal over the GCSB law before he got rolled as a leader, expecting Labour to show any spine on this is a waste of time.

The SIS get more video surveillance powers because supposedly 80 NZers like ISIS?

Seeing as Key’s newly created team of ‘Free thinkers’ are a lot of business leaders who fear environmental protests, it is only a matter of time before environmentalists are placed on these terror lists as their operations threaten their economic model.

And finally, does Key outing 80 NZers as possible threats generate an anti-Muslim backlash? Isn’t the job of the PM to protect NZ, not conflate divisiveness?

NZers will fall for anything if Key says it slowly enough

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Confusing headlines over Mediaworks

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I’m not sure what to make of the recent headlines over Mediaworks…

What we’re paying
MediaWorks says its 2015 season is the biggest investment in local programming in company history. Here’s what taxpayers are contributing through New Zealand On Air funding.

• West Side Story, Outrageous Fortune prequel, $4,838,254
• Jono and Ben At Ten: 2015 season, $1,326,135
• 7 Days: 2015 season, $947,692
• X Factor NZ: 2015 season, $800,000
• Funny Girls: Comedy show, $278,997

…why is the headline ‘Reality bites for TV3’s 2015 line up’ and not ‘Foreign Media company gobbles up $8million in public broadcasting money’?.

Oaktree Capital,  RBS, TPG Capital, Westpac Banking Corp, Rabobank and JP Morgan, the corporate owners of MediaWorks Holdings Limited don’t care too much about NZ culture or public broadcasting imperatives, they care about their quarterly profit margin and one wonders how much of this money is really a subsidy to those interests.

Good luck to all those shows being funded, I am keen to see Funny Girls, but I do ponder if MediaWorks Holdings Limited is becoming another one of our duopolies who simply produce overseas revenue streams for core industries.

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The legacy of Dirty Politics & Key – 40% of NZ scientists feel gagged

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Wow. Just. Wow.

Forty percent of scientists feel gagged
Forty percent of scientists answering a survey say they have felt gagged because of management policy or concern over losing funding.

The Government was considering guidelines to scientists on the difference between speaking about their areas of expertise, and advocacy.

A total of 384 New Zealand scientists answered the Association of Scientists’ survey, half of whom work in Crown research institutes, or CRIs.

Association president Nicola Gaston said of those who had not felt gagged, many said they had witnessed it happening to others.

“There’s an issue around embarrassing the Government, but the funding issue is quite poor so the kinds of commercial funding that come into the CRIs, those contracts are one particular issue.

“But there’s also the idea of Government funding being effected by speaking out, saying the wrong things, perhaps having a point of view which is not that of the expert reviewers on a particular funding proposal.”

This is the 6 year legacy of dirty politics and this Government’s mad ideological purity. One element of Dirty Politics was the manner in which anti-health campaigners used Whaleoil to attack any academic suggesting sugar taxes or anti-smoking programs. The fear of being publicly crucified by Slater has added to the new culture of fear within Science. Add to this the Government’s own rejection of empirical based policy for ideological brain farts instead, and we have an environment where 40% of scientists feel gagged.

I owner how high this number will get after 3 more years of this Government?

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Commenting on TDB

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We have a new moderator who will focus on all moderation on comments from now on – ‘Scarletmod’ will do our moderation.

We will also crack down on personal abuse between commentators, as well as sexist, racist and homophobic language.

Crazy comments on the truth behind 9-11, Jews running the planet, climate change denial and chemtrails won’t make it past moderation.

Basic rule is we don’t feed trolls.

Cheers and welcome aboard Scarletmod.

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